Skip to main content

Whither electoral purity? SIR and the fragility of voting rights in red-light areas

By Harasankar Adhikari
 
Sex work, often described as one of the oldest and most stigmatized occupations, exists in multiple forms shaped by social stratification, economic inequality, gender relations, and prevailing moral codes. While commonly associated with heterosexual transactions involving women, the sex trade is a complex and layered social institution. Among its various forms, brothel-based sex work in red-light areas remains one of the most visible and socially regulated.
Women enter brothel-based sex work across religious and caste backgrounds. Upon entry, many experience a loss of earlier social identities and are primarily identified through stigmatized labels associated with the trade. Their living arrangements are usually self-organized households within red-light areas, often linked through informal economic networks with property owners or intermediaries who receive a share of their earnings. Research indicates that many women enter the trade at a young age, whether married or unmarried, and subsequently acquire a distinct social identity and set of relationships shaped by the conditions of sex work.
Within this context, intimate partnerships often take the form of relationships with a babu (paramour), which are largely based on convenience and emotional companionship rather than formal social or legal recognition. Over time, such relationships may assume the appearance of marriage, though they lack ritual, legal status, or social sanction. Symbols commonly associated with marriage are sometimes adopted to assert social legitimacy, yet these relationships do not establish stable kinship ties or obligations typically associated with marriage. They are also frequently unstable, with changes in partners occurring over the course of a woman’s working life.
The household structure of brothel-based sex workers is often referred to as line bari, a term closely linked to the spatial and occupational organization of red-light areas. This household form differs from conventional family structures in its composition, role relations, patterns of child socialization, and economic security. In most cases, it functions as a single-parent household with limited or no connection to extended kin networks. The stigma attached to sex work often results in estrangement from natal families, reinforcing social isolation. Paternal roles, where present, tend to be informal and involve minimal long-term responsibility or investment.
As a result of these conditions, many commercial female sex workers remain marginalized from mainstream social and civic life. Prolonged advocacy by sex worker collectives has led to partial recognition through access to certain government benefits and identity documents such as Aadhaar, PAN, and voter identity cards. However, the occupational mobility inherent in brothel-based sex work—frequent movement between red-light areas—means that many do not have permanent residence in a single location.
In the context of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, these realities pose specific challenges. Electoral registration is closely tied to notions of residence and family identity, which may compel disclosure of personal histories that sex workers have sought to keep private due to stigma and safety concerns. Voter identity thus becomes a particularly sensitive issue for this population.
These complexities underline the need for policy approaches that balance electoral integrity with the protection of marginalized citizens. Recognizing sex work as work, and sex workers as workers with enforceable rights, remains central to ensuring their full and equal citizenship, including the right to vote without fear of exclusion or exposure.

Comments

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

'Restructuring' Sahitya Akademi: Is the ‘Gujarat model’ reaching Delhi?

By Prakash N. Shah*  ​A fortnight and a few days have slipped past that grim event. It was as if the wedding preparations were complete and the groom’s face was about to be unveiled behind the ceremonial tinsel. At 3 PM on December 18, a press conference was poised to announce the Sahitya Akademi Awards . 

The war on junk food: Why India must adopt global warning labels

By Jag Jivan    The global health landscape is witnessing a decisive shift toward aggressive regulation of the food industry, a movement highlighted by two significant policy developments shared by Dr. Arun Gupta of the Nutrition Advocacy for Public Interest (NAPi). 

The illusion of nuclear abundance: Why NTPC’s expansion demands public scrutiny

By Shankar Sharma*  The recent news that NTPC is scouting 30 potential sites across India for a massive nuclear power expansion should be a wake-up call for every citizen. While the state-owned utility frames this as a bold stride toward a 100,000 MW nuclear capacity by 2047, a cold look at India’s nuclear saga over the last few decades suggests this ambition may be more illusory than achievable. More importantly, it carries implications that could fundamentally alter the safety, environment, and economic health of our communities.

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...