Skip to main content

Renaming welfare, rewriting federalism: From job guarantee to Central control

By Vikas Meshram
The Bill titled Viksit Bharat Employment and Livelihood Guarantee Mission (Rural), presented in the Lok Sabha as a replacement for the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), warrants serious scrutiny. It is not a mere change in nomenclature; it represents a fundamental shift in the nature and design of the existing employment guarantee framework. More importantly, it reflects a broader tendency of the BJP-led Union government to centralise authority at the expense of states.
The stated objective of renaming the scheme is to align it with the vision of a “developed India” by 2047. However, the decision to remove Mahatma Gandhi’s name raises questions about intent. For nearly two decades, the association with Gandhi symbolised the scheme’s linkage to his idea of Gram Swaraj, which emphasised decentralisation, participatory democracy, and local self-governance. The proposed Bill moves in the opposite direction by concentrating decision-making powers with the Union government.
Supporters of the new scheme argue that increasing the guaranteed employment from 100 to 125 days will benefit rural households. Yet, official employment data under MGNREGA suggests that even the existing entitlement has rarely been fully realised. In 2020–21, the peak year of the COVID-19 crisis, only about 9.5 per cent of households received the full 100 days of work. Over the past two years, this figure has fallen to around 7 per cent. Without addressing the structural and financial constraints that limited employment under MGNREGA, merely increasing the number of guaranteed days risks remaining a nominal promise.
A significant shift under the proposed framework is its classification as a centrally sponsored scheme. Under MGNREGA, the Union government bore the full cost of unskilled wages. The new Bill proposes a general funding pattern of 60:40 between the Centre and the states. This change comes at a time when many states are under fiscal stress, exacerbated by changes in the GST regime and reduced fiscal autonomy. One of the notable outcomes of MGNREGA has been the increase in rural wage levels; weakening the financial architecture of the scheme may undermine this achievement. It is also uncertain how many states will be willing to participate enthusiastically in a programme that shifts additional financial burdens onto them.
More fundamentally, the demand-driven and rights-based character of MGNREGA has been diluted. The existing law allows rural households to demand work, with the state obligated to provide it. The proposed scheme is supply-driven, with expenditure ceilings fixed by the Union government. Any expenditure beyond these limits would have to be borne by states, introducing a new constraint that undermines the principle of employment as a legal entitlement. Tamil Nadu and Kerala have already expressed opposition to the Bill, arguing that it weakens federal principles and state interests.
When MGNREGA was enacted in 2005 by the Congress-led government, it was framed as a legal right to work, guaranteeing at least 100 days of employment to adult members of rural households. The scheme faced allegations of corruption in its early years, a matter that remains open to debate. After coming to power, the present Prime Minister described MGNREGA as a “living monument of Congress failure,” while also stating that it would not be dismantled. Over the past eleven years, the scheme has continued, largely because no welfare-oriented state can afford to dispense with such a basic social protection mechanism.
The current controversy arises not from an evaluation of MGNREGA’s performance, but from the government’s decision to rename and restructure it. The scheme has been proposed to be renamed the “Pujya Bapu Rural Employment Scheme,” also referred to as the “G-Ramji Bill.” Along with the change in name, substantive alterations have been introduced, which merit independent debate. However, the immediate question concerns the rationale behind removing Mahatma Gandhi’s name from a major public welfare programme.
The official explanation suggests that the change is necessary to fulfil the vision of a developed India by the centenary of independence. It is also argued that replacing “Mahatma Gandhi” with “Pujya Bapu,” a term associated with both Gandhi and the idea of Ram Rajya, should not be objectionable. Yet, the issue is not semantic. It is political.
Over the past decade, the practice of renaming schemes, institutions, and public spaces has become increasingly common. While governments across eras have engaged in this practice, it has gained renewed prominence in recent years. Renaming, however, does not automatically translate into reform. Changing Rajpath to Kartavya Path does not by itself alter institutional culture or public consciousness. Mindsets change through substantive policy shifts, not symbolic gestures.
If MGNREGA had flaws, those flaws were not a consequence of Gandhi’s name being associated with it. Similarly, invoking Lord Ram or the idea of Ram Rajya does not automatically ensure better governance. Gandhi’s conception of Ram Rajya rested on decentralisation, moral authority, and grassroots democracy. Policies that centralise power while invoking this ideal risk reducing it to a political slogan.
The proposed Bill also claims that employment under the scheme will be structured so as not to clash with agricultural activities during sowing and harvesting seasons. This is a reasonable objective, but it could have been incorporated through amendments to MGNREGA itself after consultation with states, rather than through a complete overhaul.
Despite assurances from the Union Rural Development Minister that the new law reflects Gandhi’s spirit, the core principle of Ram Rajya—good governance rooted in decentralised democracy—cannot be realised without empowering local institutions and states. The proposed framework does not advance this vision.
Ultimately, the government must address a simple question: why was it necessary to remove Mahatma Gandhi’s name from a national employment guarantee programme? Gandhi did not belong to any political party; he belonged to the nation and to humanity at large. Altering a scheme that bears his name should not give the impression of political expediency.
True transformation lies not in symbolic renaming, but in strengthening institutions and upholding the values they are meant to represent. Development driven by the politics of renaming is unlikely to lead to meaningful progress.

Comments

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

'Restructuring' Sahitya Akademi: Is the ‘Gujarat model’ reaching Delhi?

By Prakash N. Shah*  ​A fortnight and a few days have slipped past that grim event. It was as if the wedding preparations were complete and the groom’s face was about to be unveiled behind the ceremonial tinsel. At 3 PM on December 18, a press conference was poised to announce the Sahitya Akademi Awards . 

The war on junk food: Why India must adopt global warning labels

By Jag Jivan    The global health landscape is witnessing a decisive shift toward aggressive regulation of the food industry, a movement highlighted by two significant policy developments shared by Dr. Arun Gupta of the Nutrition Advocacy for Public Interest (NAPi). 

The illusion of nuclear abundance: Why NTPC’s expansion demands public scrutiny

By Shankar Sharma*  The recent news that NTPC is scouting 30 potential sites across India for a massive nuclear power expansion should be a wake-up call for every citizen. While the state-owned utility frames this as a bold stride toward a 100,000 MW nuclear capacity by 2047, a cold look at India’s nuclear saga over the last few decades suggests this ambition may be more illusory than achievable. More importantly, it carries implications that could fundamentally alter the safety, environment, and economic health of our communities.

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...