The military-ruled Myanmar (earlier known as Burma and Brahmadesh) staged the first phase of its general election on 28 December 2025 amid a civil war–like situation across the Southeast Asian nation, with a visibly low voter turnout. The exercise covered 102 out of 330 townships (loosely termed constituencies), even though many localities evaded voting as they were not under the control of the military regime led by Min Aung Hlaing. Currently, anti-military People’s Defence Forces, ethnic groups, and other armed resistance outfits control nearly one-third of Myanmar’s troubled territory. The second and third phases are scheduled for 11 January, covering 100 townships, and 25 January 2026, covering 63 townships. The results are expected by the end of January.
The Buddhist-majority country of over 55 million people witnessed a military coup on 1 February 2021, which overthrew the democratically elected NLD government in Naypyitaw. Since then, former State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi (facing 33 years of imprisonment), President U Win Myint (sentenced to 12 years), and thousands of NLD leaders and workers, along with civilians including media professionals, remain incarcerated. The absence of the NLD, which won landslide victories in the 2015 and 2020 national polls, has already undermined the credibility of the election. Pro-democracy activists around the world have termed the Myanmar electoral process a reflection of a sham election.
The poverty-stricken country has lost around 7,500 people in violent political turmoil, with 3.6 million displaced since 2021 as government forces carried out indiscriminate crackdowns, including air strikes on crowded places, hospitals, and even schools. Over 22,000 political prisoners remain under detention. A large number of pro-democracy leaders have fled to neighbouring countries such as Thailand, China, Bangladesh, and India to escape military atrocities. Nevertheless, military dictator Hlaing and his associates are attempting to project the exercise as a successful venture aimed at securing legitimacy for their unlawful seizure of power.
The military junta–appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) used electronic voting machines instead of ballots for the first time in Myanmar, in polling exercises planned for 274 townships, while the rest were declared disturbed and unstable, particularly in Rakhine, Sagaing, and Shan regions. Voting began at 6 am under heavy security arrangements in major cities such as Naypyitaw, Yangon, and Mandalay, along with townships in the Bago and Ayeyarwady regions, and continued until 4 pm. The largely peaceful polling witnessed mostly elderly voters, many of whom came out to vote to avoid intimidation by the armed forces, popularly known as the Tatmadaw, while young voters largely boycotted the electoral exercise. In contrast, the last national election recorded a voter turnout of around 70 percent.
The UEC had earlier cancelled the registration of several mainstream political parties, citing various reasons. Over 40 political parties, including the National League for Democracy led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, did not re-register with the electoral authority. Only six political parties—including the junta-aligned Union Solidarity and Development Party, the National Unity Party, People’s Pioneer Party, Myanmar Farmers Development Party, Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party, and the People’s Party—were allowed to field candidates nationwide, while 51 smaller parties were permitted to participate in regional assemblies. Over 4,850 candidates representing various political parties remain in the fray.
Joining the chorus of pro-democracy voices, the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) recently urged ASEAN leaders for 2026 to reject the junta’s fraudulent elections. Referring to a recent meeting between an APHR delegation and Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Ma Theresa P. Lazaro, who serves as ASEAN’s 2026 special envoy on Myanmar, the network of ASEAN lawmakers expressed concern over the junta’s escalating violence and worsening humanitarian conditions. They emphasized the need for a principled, united, and justice-driven approach to end the suffering and restore the democratic aspirations of the Myanmar people. While appreciating Lazaro’s commitment to Myanmar and its people, the APHR stressed that ASEAN’s credibility and regional stability are at stake and offered support to help bridge humanitarian, political, and technical gaps.
The election was rejected by the National Unity Government (the Myanmar government-in-exile) as well as several global actors, including the United Nations, many Western nations, and human rights groups, which described the process as neither free, fair, nor inclusive. NUG representatives claimed that the junta conducted the farcical election solely to legitimize its rule in the Land of Golden Pagodas. Political observers believe the election will do little to install an independent civilian regime, as the military rulers intend to form a government primarily to evade international sanctions. However, military dictator Hlaing, after casting his vote at a polling station, claimed that the election would be thriving and rewarding for the people.
All neighbouring countries, including India—which has major investments in the under-construction Kaladan riverine project—have expressed concern over continued instability along border areas and the influx of Myanmar migrants. The current military chief, Hlaing, may emerge as Myanmar’s next President and appoint one of his trusted loyalists as the top military commander. Meanwhile, lawmakers operating under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, which reserves 25 percent of parliamentary seats and key ministries for defence personnel, are likely to function as mute spectators in matters affecting military interests.
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*Senior journalist based in Guwahati
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