Skip to main content

Why experts say replacing MGNREGA could undo two decades of rural empowerment

By A Representative 
A group of scientists, academics, civil society organisations and field practitioners from India and abroad has issued an open letter urging the Union government to reconsider the repeal of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and to withdraw the newly enacted Viksit Bharat–Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025. The letter, dated December 27, 2025, comes days after the VB–G RAM G Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha on December 16 and subsequently approved by both Houses of Parliament, formally replacing the two-decade-old employment guarantee law.
The signatories argue that the new Act is based on an incomplete and flawed diagnosis of the problems facing MGNREGA and that its proposed solutions risk dismantling the rights-based, participatory framework that has underpinned rural employment and local democracy since 2005. Rather than repealing MGNREGA, they call for rigorous ground-level research and wide-ranging consultations to address implementation gaps and strengthen the programme in line with its original spirit of empowerment, inclusion and accountability.
In the letter, the authors challenge the government’s assertion that the demand-driven design of MGNREGA has become outdated in the context of diversified rural livelihoods and increased digital integration. The new Act proposes a shift to a normative allocation model, using geospatial technologies and artificial intelligence to determine where funds will be deployed, for what purposes and in what quantities. The signatories contend that such technologies, while potentially useful as decision-support tools, cannot capture the complex social, ecological and institutional realities of rural landscapes. They argue that seasonal labour practices, customary rights, local histories of land and water management, and community priorities are forms of situated knowledge that cannot be adequately represented through remote sensing or algorithms. Replacing demand-driven allocations with centralised, technology-led norms, they warn, risks misallocation of resources, inefficiency and inequity.
The letter emphasises that MGNREGA’s demand-driven nature is inseparable from its rights-based mandate, enabling the rural poor, marginalised groups and minorities to assert their entitlements and participate meaningfully in local governance. According to the signatories, this framework has historically strengthened social accountability, reduced elite capture and fostered collective decision-making at the village level. A normative, centrally determined system, they argue, would erode these democratic spaces and shift the burden onto poor households to justify their needs, rather than placing communities at the centre of planning.
On the issue of misappropriation and leakages, which the government cites as a major justification for the new law, the signatories caution against viewing corruption primarily as a failure of monitoring or authentication. While acknowledging the need to address misuse, they argue that many irregularities stem from deeper structural barriers that prevent genuine community participation. These include complex guidelines that communities struggle to navigate, lack of upfront capital for material payments, low wage rates, delayed payments and rigid digital attendance systems that disproportionately exclude women by reducing flexibility. The letter notes that in areas where marginalised communities have received adequate support to articulate their demands, implement works and conduct social audits, MGNREGA has been transformative and leakages have been minimal. Strengthening participation and transparency, rather than imposing additional layers of biometric and digital controls, is presented as the more effective and equitable solution.
The letter also disputes the claim that MGNREGA distorts rural labour markets by competing with agriculture during peak sowing and harvesting seasons. The new Act allows for up to 60 days each year when employment will not be provided, a provision the signatories strongly oppose. They point out that MGNREGA wage rates are often 40 to 50 per cent lower than prevailing agricultural wages, making it irrational for workers to substitute farm labour with MGNREGA work during peak periods. Instead, MGNREGA functions as a fallback option when agricultural employment is unavailable or insecure. Seasonal labour shortages, they argue, are better explained by migration and the casualisation of farm work, not by the employment guarantee scheme. The signatories also note that farmers’ organisations have supported MGNREGA and do not endorse the proposed blackout period.
Beyond these concerns, the letter raises serious objections to the fiscal and federal implications of the new Act. Under MGNREGA, the Centre bore 90 per cent of the cost, with states contributing 10 per cent. The VB–G RAM G Act alters this to a 60:40 ratio for most states and stipulates that any expenditure beyond normative allocations must be borne by state governments. The signatories warn that this could lead to political favouritism, discourage states from responding to work demand due to fiscal constraints, and exacerbate unemployment and distress migration. They further argue that provisions granting the Union government discretionary powers to decide the nature, location and scale of public works, as well as to prescribe state-wise normative allocations based on centrally determined parameters, undermine the principles of decentralisation and local autonomy that were central to MGNREGA.
The promise of 125 days of employment per household under the new Act is also questioned, with the letter noting that even under the existing framework, average employment has remained around 50 days per household per year. With a reduced central funding commitment and greater financial responsibility placed on states, the signatories describe the higher employment guarantee as misleading and unrealistic.
Concluding their appeal, the authors state that the new Act threatens to undo nearly two decades of hard-won gains in rural empowerment, equity and participatory governance. They urge the government to pause implementation, engage in meaningful dialogue with civil society and practitioners, and build a grounded understanding of where and why MGNREGA has succeeded. Only through such an approach, they argue, can rural employment policy genuinely address unemployment, strengthen resilience and uphold democratic values.
Here is the revised final paragraph, expanded to include the number of signatories and a few prominent names, written in a cautious, journalistic manner:
The open letter has been endorsed by 346 signatories, including well-known economists, social scientists, ecologists, grassroots practitioners and former government advisers associated with rural employment and decentralised development. Among the signatories are Jean Drèze, development economist and one of the principal architects of MGNREGA; Reetika Khera, economist and long-time researcher on public welfare programmes; Nikhil Dey, social activist associated with the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan; along with academics from leading Indian and international universities, senior members of civil society organisations, and field workers with long experience of implementing MGNREGA on the ground. The full list of signatories is provided in the attached document, and the authors have kept the letter open for further endorsements.

Comments

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

'Restructuring' Sahitya Akademi: Is the ‘Gujarat model’ reaching Delhi?

By Prakash N. Shah*  ​A fortnight and a few days have slipped past that grim event. It was as if the wedding preparations were complete and the groom’s face was about to be unveiled behind the ceremonial tinsel. At 3 PM on December 18, a press conference was poised to announce the Sahitya Akademi Awards . 

The war on junk food: Why India must adopt global warning labels

By Jag Jivan    The global health landscape is witnessing a decisive shift toward aggressive regulation of the food industry, a movement highlighted by two significant policy developments shared by Dr. Arun Gupta of the Nutrition Advocacy for Public Interest (NAPi). 

The illusion of nuclear abundance: Why NTPC’s expansion demands public scrutiny

By Shankar Sharma*  The recent news that NTPC is scouting 30 potential sites across India for a massive nuclear power expansion should be a wake-up call for every citizen. While the state-owned utility frames this as a bold stride toward a 100,000 MW nuclear capacity by 2047, a cold look at India’s nuclear saga over the last few decades suggests this ambition may be more illusory than achievable. More importantly, it carries implications that could fundamentally alter the safety, environment, and economic health of our communities.

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...