Skip to main content

Sattvik Food Festival: Shouldn't one question notion of purity, cultural exclusion in food choices?

By Rajiv Shah 
Recently, I visited the Sattvik Food Festival, an annual event in Ahmedabad organized by Anil Gupta, professor emeritus at the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad (IIM-A). I have known Prof. Gupta since 1993, when I sought an appointment to meet him a few months after joining The Times of India in Ahmedabad—one reason why I have always been interested in the activities he is involved in.
No sooner had I called him than he asked me to visit. Upon reaching his office at IIM-A, I was pleasantly surprised when he mentioned my article published on the edit page of the daily: "I know you through your article on the Narmada dam," he said, appreciating my piece. In that article, I had pointed out how the dam divided regions and people. I argued that while the poor eastern tribal belt, through which the yet-to-be-constructed Narmada canals were to pass, wouldn’t gain from the waters, the western plains—home to rich peasant cultivators—would be the primary beneficiaries.
Meeting Prof. Gupta was part of my effort to acquaint myself with the intellectual elite of Ahmedabad, including institutions like IIM-A, the Gandhi Labour Institute, the Sardar Patel Institute for Social and Economic Research, the National Institute of Design, and several important NGOs. If I remember correctly, Prof. Gupta introduced me to the Honey Bee Network during that meeting, which he had founded in the late 1980s.
The Honey Bee Network, described as a social justice initiative, aimed to break barriers impeding the dissemination of grassroots innovations. While serving as faculty at the Centre for Management in Agriculture at IIM-A, Prof. Gupta also established SRISTI (Society for Research and Initiatives for Sustainable Technologies and Institutions) in 1993 to support eco-friendly solutions by nurturing "eco-preneurs" focused on conserving biodiversity, common property resources, cultural diversity, and educational innovations.
The Sattvik Food Festival is one of Prof. Gupta’s initiatives to promote awareness about food items he considers pure, natural, and clean. Held near the Sola temple, one of the city's most important landmarks, the festival showcased an array of "organic" foods. Various unique juices made from vegetables and fruits rarely seen in the market were on display. Among the highlights was the "red bhindi" (okra) juice, a vegetable I had never encountered before. Camel milk and what was labeled "vegan chhas (buttermilk)" were also available.
Ironically, such unusual offerings didn’t seem to interest the festival attendees. When I visited at 11:30 a.m., people were still arriving, and the usual dishes—such as chhola kulcha and sarson saag with makka roti, presumably made from organic produce—weren’t ready. By lunchtime, however, there was a huge rush for these items.
Also on sale were various organic groceries, including gur and bajri flour, which we purchased. Colorfully painted cow (or buffalo) dung cakes were also available, attracting curious onlookers. Like many others, I took photographs and moved on.
That said, the concept of "sattvik" food left me wondering. According to an internet search, sattvic refers to foods and eating habits that are "pure, essential, natural, vital, energy-giving, clean, conscious, true, honest, and wise." It further mentions that foods to avoid on a sattvic diet (considered "tamasic" or "rajasic") include salty and sour foods, tea, coffee, alcohol, onions, garlic, frozen food, fast food, microwaved foods, processed foods, meat, fish, chicken, eggs, and leftovers.
This raises questions: Can tea, coffee, alcohol, onions, garlic, eggs, fish, meat, and chicken not be organic? In large U.S. shopping centers like Walmart and Trader Joe's, organic milk, eggs, chicken, meat, and vegetables are widely available, albeit at a higher cost. So, does "organic" not equate to "sattvik"?
There have also been attempts to promote sattvik food at government-sponsored festivals in Gujarat, featuring food items prepared by tribals and marketed as "pure" and "organic." However, no one mentions that the tribals in eastern Gujarat are predominantly non-vegetarian. Similarly, fish dishes prepared by fisherfolk along Gujarat's coastline (20% of India’s coast) are conspicuously absent from such festivals. Is this exclusion due to a preference for an upper-caste vegetarian (and supposedly "pure") mindset?
Finally, is the sattvik diet rooted in scientific principles? According to an AI-generated source, the sattvic diet is based on Ayurvedic principles, an ancient form of Indian medicine, but it lacks a scientific basis. It is described as highly restrictive, avoiding many foods—such as meat, eggs, refined sugar, spicy foods, and fried foods—and requiring fresh preparation, which can be time-consuming. Moreover, it notes that vegetarian diets, including sattvic diets, may lack essential nutrients like vitamin B12, iron, zinc, omega-3 fatty acids, and complete proteins.
These observations leave me questioning whether the notion of "purity" in food should be re-evaluated, especially in the context of dietary inclusivity and nutritional adequacy.

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

'Fraudulent': Ex-civil servants urge President to halt Odisha tribal land dispossession

By A Representative   A collective of 81 retired civil servants from the Constitutional Conduct Group has written to the President of India expressing alarm over what they describe as the wrongful dispossession of tribal lands in Odisha’s Rayagada district. The letter, dated April 19, 2026, highlights violent clashes in Kantamal village where police personnel reportedly injured over 70 tribal residents attempting to protect their community rights. 

Dhandhuka violence: Gujarat minority group seeks judicial action, cites targeted arson

By A Representative   The Minority Coordination Committee (MCC) Gujarat has written to the Director General of Police seeking judicial action in connection with recent violence in Dhandhuka town of Ahmedabad district, alleging targeted attacks on properties belonging to members of the Muslim community following a fatal altercation between two bike riders on April 18.

Cracks in Gujarat model? Surat’s exodus reveals precarity behind prosperity claims

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*   The return of migrant workers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, particularly from Gujarat, was inevitable. Gujarat has long been showcased as the epitome of “infrastructure” and the business-friendly Modi model. Yet, when governments become business-friendly, they require the poor to serve them—while keeping them precarious, unable to stabilize, demand fair wages, or assert their rights. The agenda is clear: workers must remain grateful for whatever crumbs the Seth ji offers.  

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram*  April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative   The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.