Skip to main content

Beyond freebies: How poor people's hidden contributions fund state coffers

By Prof. Hamentkumar Shah* 
A widespread impression in India, carefully cultivated by the wealthy, is that only the rich bear the nation’s tax burden, while the poor pay nothing. This is a falsehood, even a conspiracy, reinforced further by claims that governments provide everything to the poor free of cost. Whatever is distributed as subsidies or welfare is often disparagingly labeled as “freebies.” But is it really true that the poor do not pay taxes?
When GST concessions are announced, it is said that taxes on essential goods have been reduced or eliminated. This itself proves that such goods were already taxed and that the poor were indeed paying. Even when the final product is exempt, the machinery or raw materials used in its production carry duties such as GST or customs tax, and these costs are inevitably built into the price. The consumer, including the poor, ends up paying indirectly.
In reality, every rupee that the government earns through GST, customs duty, or excise duty includes contributions from the poor. When a poor man buys a shirt, the button on it may not carry tax, but the machinery used to produce it does, which raises the cost of the shirt. A family that erects a shack out of wood, plastic, cloth, or bricks is indirectly paying the taxes levied on those materials or on the machinery that produced them. A vegetable vendor who buys a cart pays for the taxes built into its wood, tires, and other fittings. Even a poor woman who pays a dentist two hundred rupees for tooth extraction contributes to government revenue because that fee includes taxes on the doctor’s income, on medical instruments, and on the clinic’s infrastructure.
GST was introduced in 2017–18, bringing the government ₹4.43 lakh crore in its first year. Except for the pandemic year, revenues have steadily grown, with an estimated ₹10.62 lakh crore last year and ₹11.78 lakh crore projected for the current year. In just seven years, GST revenue has more than doubled. From 2017–18 to 2024–25, total GST collections reached ₹57.37 lakh crore. Against this, recent tax reliefs amounting to ₹48,000 crore are negligible.
According to the 2025–26 Union Budget, the government’s total tax revenue will be about ₹42.70 lakh crore, of which ₹14.22 lakh crore will be transferred to states and the rest retained by the Centre. GST alone contributes about 18 percent of this revenue, customs 4 percent, and excise 5 percent, making indirect taxes together nearly 27 percent of government income. By contrast, direct taxes—income tax at 22 percent and corporate tax at 17 percent—together form 39 percent. But even corporate tax is effectively an indirect levy, since companies typically pass the burden on to consumers by adjusting prices.
Thus, nearly 44 percent of central government revenue comes from taxes that are borne directly or indirectly by ordinary consumers, including the poor. To claim that the poor pay nothing is misleading. In truth, even the poorest citizens contribute through both direct and hidden taxes. That is why the Constitution’s Directive Principles of State Policy do not merely justify subsidies for the poor but envision broader welfare measures as essential for justice and equality.
---
*Senior economist based in Ahmedabad 

Comments

TRENDING

The Nazia Elahi Khan controversy and the normalisation of hate

By Mohd. Ziyaullah Khan   The registration of two FIRs in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region against BJP Minority Morcha leader and social media influencer Nazia Elahi Khan for allegedly making derogatory remarks about Prophet Muhammad is not merely another isolated controversy. It is a disturbing reminder of how hate speech and communal provocation have become increasingly normalised in contemporary India.

Congress leader Gohil "misinformed" about the OBC caste status of Modi, contend senior Gujarat academics

Shaktisinh Gohil By A Representative Did senior Gujarat Congress leader Shaktisinh Gohil display his poor understanding of the caste system in Gujarat when he declared that Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi does not belong to the other backward class (OBC) but to an upper caste? At least two top senior experts, known for their proficiency in sociology and history of Gujarat, have wondered “how could Gohil go so wrong” on Modi’s caste status. Gohil, who all-India Congress spokesperson, has created a ripple by “disclosing” that Modi included his caste, modh ghanchi, into the OBC list three months after he came to power through a government resolution dated January 1, 2002.

Incarceration of Prof Saibaba 'revives' the question: What is crime, who is criminal?

By Kunal Pant* In 2016, a Supreme Court Judge asked the state of Maharashtra, “Do you want to extract a pound of flesh?” The statement was directed against the state for contesting the bail plea of Delhi University Professor GN Saibaba. Saibaba was arrested in 2014, a justification for which was to prevent him from committing what the police called “anti-national activities.”