The Delhi government has repeatedly assured citizens that slums will not be demolished. Yet, when the bulldozers arrive, the explanation shifts—these demolitions, we are told, are simply court orders. But why doesn’t the government defend its rehabilitation policy strongly in court? Why not push for outcomes where either the slums remain untouched or their residents are relocated with dignity?
“Development is for the rich; destruction is for the slum dwellers,” says Chanda Devi of Indira Colony. Her words reflect the deep erosion of public trust. Chief Minister Rekha Gupta’s oft-repeated pledge—“Not a single slum will be demolished”—has lost credibility. Election after election, promises have been made: the Prime Minister’s “Where there’s a slum, there will be a house” slogan is a staple on the campaign trail. Yet, since the BJP government came to power in February, demolitions have accelerated.
When demolitions occur, the Delhi government’s refrain is that its hands are tied by court orders. But courtrooms are also spaces where governments can defend their policies. If the Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board (DUSIB) lists a settlement as standing on DDA land, why does a court sometimes end up declaring it private property, leaving residents without legal protection? Such inconsistencies expose either a lack of will or a lack of competence.
In Jailerwala Bagh, for instance, DUSIB counted 1,575 slum homes, yet 567 residents were labelled “ineligible” for rehabilitation. These residents secured a court stay, but many homes were razed regardless, and essential services like electricity and water were cut off. The message was clear: leave, even if the court says you can stay. In earlier years, flimsy shacks of bamboo and plastic were sometimes set ablaze, replaced temporarily with tents that were soon removed. Now, the tactic is deprivation—deny water and power until people move out on their own.
Figures from the Urban Development Ministry reveal that in the past three years, the DDA has demolished 5,158 slum homes at five sites. According to the 2015 Delhi rehabilitation policy, 3,403 of these households were resettled; the rest—about a third—were declared ineligible. Other agencies have done the same. The 60-year-old Madarasi Camp, with 370 homes on railway land, was wiped out on June 1, 2025, following a High Court order. Out of 353 listed homes there, only 189 families are to be relocated—to Narela, 40 kilometres away.
These actions have provoked resistance. On July 22, 2025, leftist groups led a protest from Indira Colony to the Chief Minister’s residence. On August 4, the Congress staged a demonstration outside the Delhi Assembly. The Chief Minister responded by once again pledging that no slum would be demolished, ordering agencies to halt evictions, promising to refurbish 50,000 derelict flats for slum dwellers, and hinting at possible policy changes. Yet bulldozers keep rolling, and trust continues to erode.
During a June 8 visit to Shalimar constituency, the Chief Minister repeated that demolitions were court-ordered and therefore beyond her control, adding that no slum would be removed without providing permanent housing. She also threatened FIRs against those “spreading rumours” about demolitions. But in Indira Colony, BJP leader Pramod recalls being assured by both the Chief Minister and the local MP that the settlement would remain untouched—right before the electricity was cut on July 26. “Modi’s guarantee became a brand people trusted,” he says. “Now, after such a big promise, notices come without even a survey. We’ve gone to the High Court and got a stay. But we trust neither Rekha Gupta nor any minister now.”
Residents like Chanda Devi, who has lived in Indira Colony for 40 years, only ask that their homes be left standing. She cleans houses for ₹3,000 a month; renting would be impossible. “They say it’s development,” she scoffs, “but it’s destruction for us.” The 2025 voter list records 2,381 voters in Indira Colony, a community with a school, anganwadis, and students preparing for university and civil service exams. It also has clogged drains—no longer cleaned since the demolition notices went up.
The Chief Minister’s promises are recycled rhetoric—old wine in a new bottle. Delhi’s 2015 rehabilitation policy clearly states that no one should be evicted without resettlement. Earlier, the Congress’s Rajiv Ratan Awas Yojana built housing meant to make Delhi slum-free by 2022, but many of those flats have fallen into ruin, becoming hubs of drug abuse. Now the government proposes fixing these same crumbling structures. The Rajiv Awas Yojana’s in-situ upgrade and redevelopment plans were replaced by the PM Awas Yojana, with the same goal—housing for all—now delayed to December 2025.
The truth is stark: people do not need more assurances, they need implementation. Without it, Delhi’s poorest will remain trapped in a cycle where “development” means only their displacement.
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Sunil Kumar is an independent journalist and social worker. A version of this article was first published in The Wire Hindi
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