Why Modi became stronger: Looking beyond the Gandhi family

By Ram Puniyani 

In a recent article published in Scroll, titled “The Gandhi Family Has Helped Modi to Consolidate His Power,” noted historian Ramachandra Guha offers what I consider a rather superficial explanation for the rise and consolidation of the power of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP over the last decade.

Guha’s criticism of dynastic politics within the Congress lacks force because the phenomenon is flourishing in many other political parties, including the BJP. There may be some validity in his criticism that Rahul Gandhi has not consistently pursued issues with sufficient continuity. Yet it must also be remembered that Rahul Gandhi has repeatedly warned the country about the dangers posed by the RSS and its Hindu nationalist politics, which, in his view, are causing serious damage to India’s democratic institutions.

Rahul Gandhi may initially have entered politics at the urging of his mother, but it is difficult to argue that he continues to function merely under her direction. Over the years, he has interacted with a wide range of political actors across the country. Through his extensive Bharat Jodo Yatra and related campaigns, he travelled across India, meeting people from diverse backgrounds and witnessing their concerns firsthand. His sister, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, may well be a more effective Hindi speaker, but leadership cannot be assessed solely on the basis of oratory. It is possible that Rahul is surrounded by loyalists, as most political leaders are. Yet he appears to make his own decisions and may be attempting to build a younger team committed to the democratic and constitutional values associated with Gandhi, Nehru and Ambedkar.

Did the Gandhi family truly help Modi tighten his grip over the country? To answer that question, one must examine the actual factors that enabled Modi to attain and retain power despite significant shortcomings in economic management and foreign policy.

Modi is a lifelong RSS pracharak who was elevated to the position of Chief Minister of Gujarat by Atal Bihari Vajpayee despite having little administrative experience. His political worldview has been deeply shaped by the RSS ideology of Hindu nationalism. In Gujarat, he strengthened his political position through the communal polarization that followed the Godhra train incident and the subsequent violence against minorities. Throughout this period, the wider Sangh Parivar stood firmly behind him.

When Vajpayee visited the refugee camps in Juhapura after the violence and publicly advised Modi to follow raj dharma—the duty of governance—Modi responded that he was already doing so. Vajpayee reportedly wished to remove him from office, but strong support for Modi within the BJP prevented such action, compelling Vajpayee to accommodate the political realities within his own party.

Modi also cultivated support through repeated indirect references to Muslims, helping to reinforce the RSS’s Hindu nationalist narrative. It was the RSS that ultimately ensured his rise to national power. The Sangh’s dissatisfaction with Lal Krishna Advani after his remarks on Muhammad Ali Jinnah further strengthened Modi’s position within the organization. During a visit to Pakistan, Advani had described Jinnah’s August 11, 1947 speech to Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly as an important statement on secular governance. In that speech, Jinnah argued that citizens of all faiths should enjoy equal freedom in the new state of Pakistan. The controversy surrounding Advani’s remarks deepened the RSS leadership’s preference for Modi.

The 2014 general election marked a decisive turning point in Modi’s political career. Before the election, a major effort was made to transform his public image and present him as a charismatic national leader. Promises of reducing inflation, depositing ₹15 lakh into every citizen’s bank account, and creating two crore jobs annually had a powerful impact on voters. These promises resonated strongly in the political climate created by the anti-corruption movement associated with Anna Hazare and Arvind Kejriwal, which had severely damaged the public image of the Congress-led government.

After assuming power, Modi’s government, according to critics, increasingly used state institutions such as the Enforcement Directorate, the Income Tax Department and the CBI against political opponents. Alongside this, the support of RSS-trained cadres and the Sangh’s ideological network played a significant role in strengthening the ruling establishment.

The media landscape also changed considerably. Since the Janata Party era, when Advani served as Information and Broadcasting Minister, there had been a gradual expansion of influence sympathetic to RSS viewpoints. As Gujarat Chief Minister, Modi successfully cultivated strong relationships with major corporate groups. Sections of the media projected him as the country’s future Prime Minister, while large business houses expanded their ownership of television channels and other media outlets. At the same time, the BJP made highly effective use of social media and its IT infrastructure, further amplifying its political message.

Through a combination of relentless propaganda and the use of state power, Modi succeeded in shaping public opinion in his favour. To maintain and expand his success, every available political instrument was employed. Critics argue that institutions such as the Election Commission gradually lost their independence, particularly after changes in the process for appointing Election Commissioners reduced the role of the judiciary. According to these critics, the weakening of institutional autonomy, combined with concerns over electoral practices, further strengthened the ruling party’s position.

The debate over electronic voting machines has persisted for years. Activists such as Teesta Setalvad and commentator Parakala Prabhakar have raised questions about electoral outcomes and voting patterns. More recently, concerns have also been expressed about revisions to voter rolls and the potential disenfranchisement of sections of the electorate.

By overlooking these broader structural and ideological factors, Guha focuses instead on relatively minor issues such as Rahul Gandhi’s foreign travels, Priyanka Gandhi’s superior Hindi-speaking ability, or the continuing influence of Sonia Gandhi within the Congress. Such arguments, in my view, fail to explain the deeper reasons behind Modi’s rise and endurance.

The principal explanation for Modi’s consolidation of power does not lie in the Gandhi family or even primarily in the weaknesses of opposition parties. Rather, it lies in the extensive social, ideological and organizational reach of the RSS. At the same time, it is true that the opposition has often failed to effectively challenge the narratives promoted by Hindu nationalist politics. Issues such as temple disputes, allegations of forced religious conversions, beef consumption and so-called “love jihad” have not been countered with sufficient political force. This failure has contributed to the growing strength of Hindu nationalist politics and, consequently, of Modi himself.

The opposition—and the Gandhi family in particular—may indeed need to rethink its methods and strategies. Yet the central reason for Modi’s political strength, I would argue, is the deep penetration of RSS ideology into Indian society rather than the shortcomings of any single opposition leader or family.

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Ram Puniyani is a former professor at the Indian Institute of Technology Bombay and President of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism