The Bihar Vidhansabha Election 2025 verdict is out. I maintained deliberate silence about the growing tribe of “social media” experts and their opinions. Lately, these do not fascinate me. Anyone forming an opinion solely on the basis of these “experts” lives in a fool’s paradise. I do not watch them, nor do I follow them on Twitter. I stayed away partly because I was not certain of a MahaGathbandhan victory, even though I wanted it. But my personal preference is not the issue here. The parties disappointed.
Was the Bihar election manipulated due to the SIR? If we assume that is the only reason, we ignore other factors. It is time for the Congress to seriously reflect on what its politics lacks. Did voters reject Rahul Gandhi’s campaigns around Vote Chori, Caste Census, Ambani, Adani, and Yamuna pollution? What about the RJD and Tejashwi Yadav? Why did their performance fall so short? Are people rejecting family interference? And what about another “hero,” Mukesh Sahni? The fact remains that Nishads and Mallahs continue to be among the biggest supporters of the BJP, both in UP and Bihar.
There are many factors. The voter list issue is serious, and Congress and other parties must decide whether it is acceptable to keep participating in elections if they believe the Election Commission is not fair or impartial. When Rahul Gandhi was raising concerns about electoral malpractices and challenging the Election Commission, why did Congress and others fall silent and fail to pursue the matter to its logical conclusion? The party has a powerful battery of lawyers. The truth is, after initial noise around the SIR, all parties became quiet.
Therefore, Bihar’s results are an eye-opener. Rahul Gandhi does not have enough Congress leaders who can carry his message. Frankly, his messaging is atrocious. He spoke about the Yamuna in Delhi to appeal to voters in Bihar. The fact is, religious voters do not care whether people jumped into the Yamuna or any river. Rahul’s rhetoric of wealth redistribution remains unacceptable and impractical. On one hand, Congress targeted upper-caste voters; on the other, Rahul’s social justice agenda alienated them. Why would anyone vote for you if your messaging drives them away? This happened in both Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. Congress must learn from Indira Gandhi’s approach of inclusive politics. You cannot use the language of a “movement” that targets one social segment. In today’s climate, that approach will not work.
India is a country of diverse ethnicities and orientations, and only a credible coalition can succeed here. The promise of government jobs no longer works as effectively as promises of broader social assistance. Caste and economic concerns operate together, not in opposition. People do not seem interested in a “revolution.” It is time to speak the language of inclusion and reconciliation. The tone of a social movement in agitation mode is very different from that of a political party that needs votes from every segment. Social organisations can use rhetoric targeting specific communities, but in democratic politics you must find a middle path. Rahul Gandhi must understand that none of his peers—Akhilesh Yadav, Tejashwi Yadav, or M. K. Stalin—use the kind of language he does. A good example is Mayawati, who speaks with great care and trains her cadre to be extremely cautious in public.
Political families must also understand that the public is watching them. Every family member will not be accepted as a leader. Their public tantrums were a poor advertisement.
BJP’s anti-Muslim rhetoric is well known, but what stopped the RJD and Congress from speaking clearly about Muslims and their rights? Rahul Gandhi has not been able to say that Muslims are equal citizens of India. He continues to ignore their concerns. Projecting Tejashwi as Chief Minister and Mukesh Sahni as Deputy Chief Minister was counterproductive. Congress’s claim to represent “social justice” looked hollow. What stopped them from pushing for a Dalit or a Muslim Deputy Chief Minister?
Alliances are not made on election day. They must be built and strengthened over time. Unless North Indian parties learn to build alliances like those in Tamil Nadu or Kerala, they will continue to struggle. I also have serious doubts about the Congress High Command sending observers. I find this practice disrespectful toward local units. A young leader from Telangana with no political standing was sent to negotiate with Lalu Yadav. How can a novice like Krishnan Allaviru speak meaningfully with senior leaders like Lalu? Why does Congress hesitate to mix senior and younger leaders? Why was Digvijay Singh sidelined?
Finally, no political party except the BJP has a cadre and a religious-cultural wing. In Tamil Nadu, Periyar founded the DK, which still guides Dravidian parties. Under Dr. K. Veeramani, the DK remains the flagbearer of Periyar’s legacy, and leaders seek his guidance. That is how it should work. Centrist parties never felt the need for cultural or literary wings. They assume caste-based arithmetic will work. What worked in the 1990s may not work now. Congress’s Seva Dal has no ideology; it merely provides services and does not lead from the front like the RSS does for the BJP.
Opposition parties, particularly Congress, need to put their house in order. A few months before the Bihar elections were announced, I asked a Congress youth leader from Rahul Gandhi’s team why Rahul was relying so heavily on rhetoric. Why was he sending a message that seemed to target upper castes, as if their votes did not matter—especially when many Congress leaders, social media managers, and chief ministers belong to that segment? Do we expect these individuals to work against their own communities? It is time to speak the language of inclusion. Advocating for Dalit and marginalised rights does not require antagonising others. Politics of this sort has consistently failed.
As for OBC parties, they opposed categorisation. Their leaders and intellectuals called sub-categorisation an attempt to divide OBCs and Dalits. But the most marginalised want their fair share, which these parties have not accepted. DMK embraced proportionality in Tamil Nadu, and stitched together an alliance of all marginalised communities. That is what we need: a long-term social coalition without hatred. The political language must change. Hatred, propaganda, and rhetoric will no longer work.
All of this is said in good faith. The role of the Election Commission must be discussed. The SIR process must be made transparent. But if parties want clean elections, they must train their cadres to examine electoral rolls and help people whose names have been deleted. If you uncover fraud but still participate without protest, then you share the blame.
Political parties have not yet articulated a strong, unified stance on electoral malpractice. Rahul Gandhi raised the issue forcefully, but no other party supported him at that level. This effectively meant they accepted whatever came their way.
Bihar has offered many lessons. The First-Past-The-Post system is open to manipulation. It helped Congress for decades and now benefits the BJP. We need electoral reforms, but beyond that, parties claiming to work for social justice cannot ignore people on the basis of caste. Include everyone and work on a long-term agenda. Alliances formed on the eve of elections will never succeed.
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*Human rights defender
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