'I stand for subdivision of reservations to aid the poorest among the poor'

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*

In my ongoing quest to amplify rational discourse among Ambedkarites, I present a conversation with Ish Kumar Gangania, a prominent Ambedkarite author from Delhi. Gangania is a highly regarded author, thinker, and editor based in Delhi. Known for his candid and straightforward opinions, Gangania has extensively explored India's rationalist traditions, particularly those of Ajeevak and Lokayat. He has published over 25 works, including collections of poetry, short stories, and one novel, with his most recent being the autobiographical piece, "Main Aur Mera Gireban".

Gangania has also served as the sub-editor of the esteemed Hindi quarterly, "Apeksha", and currently edits "Samay Sangyan", a quarterly Hindi journal committed to Ambedkarite philosophy and literary critique. In our conversation, Gangania offers his perspective on the Supreme Court's recent ruling regarding the classification of reservations:

Q: What is your reaction to the Supreme Court's decision on the classification of SC-ST reservations?

A: Initially, reactions to this decision have stirred significant unrest, with many circulating claims that the Supreme Court has abolished reservations entirely. Such statements are irresponsible rhetoric. I concur with Yogendra Yadav's assertion that "Reservation has not ended with this decision; instead, it has strengthened." This is an undeniable reality. However, in today’s environment filled with rumors and conspiracy theories, it's crucial to realize that the court's ruling comes at a politically charged time with upcoming elections. It serves as a reminder that those disenchanted with the current system may be swayed through rhetoric and promises. Leaders emerging in this election cycle often don new personas to exploit the sentiments of the populace, trading their votes like commodities. From a straightforward perspective, during the Supreme Court's hearing on August 1, Justice DY Chandrachud emphasized that just as OBCs were classified into backward and most backward classes, a similar classification for SC-ST communities could be implemented to ensure substantial equality. This meaning that those deprived of reservation benefits should receive sub-quotas—a directive that, while non-binding, instructs states to pursue justice while maintaining transparency. Many SC-ST individuals benefiting from earlier reservation provisions are understandably frustrated, while those who have not received benefits may justifiably feel pleased. I advocate for a subdivision of reservations to aid the poorest among the poor without assigning caste names to the beneficiaries. The unyielding opposition against sub-categorization appears devoid of empathy. It echoes the very accusations leveled against Dr. Ambedkar during the freedom movement—attacks on his pursuit of social justice labeled him a traitor to the independence struggle. Sadly, prominent Dalit communities, the primary beneficiaries of reservation, are beginning to echo the sentiments of those who once vilified Baba Saheb. Genuine Ambedkarites cannot align with those perpetuating divisive narratives that undermine collective advancement.

Q: As many parties openly oppose the creamy layer principle, how do you view the divisions within Dalit communities?

A: Discussions around the creamy layer remain largely irrelevant as it has yet to be fully realized within Dalit society. While nearly all political parties oppose this principle, the true contentious issue lies in the sub-classification debates. Lawyers challenging the Supreme Court’s decisions are skeptical of constitutional adherence, demanding righteousness over personal judicial opinions. Chandrabhan Prasad's assertions indicate a fear that sub-classification might weaken Dalit unity. He posits that if communities like the Chamars become weakened, the very foundation of reservation could crumble. However, it is critical to note that constructive unity can arise from meaningful engagement rather than adherence to historical animosities. It is disheartening to witness the perpetuation of attitudes that categorize backwardness among Dalits. Ambedkar's ethos emphasizes education and empowerment, yet many within the community have failed to reach out to those struggling at the margins. It must be asked: Why has there been a failure to uplift all members of the Dalit community?

Q: What is the responsibility of intellectuals and politicians in addressing the needs of marginalized communities?

A: There exists an unspoken agreement among many politicians and intellectuals to protect their interests rather than those of the marginalized. This complicity results in a cynical lack of authenticity regarding moral and ethical discourse. Prasad’s arguments indicate an underlying casteist mindset, suggesting that certain castes are entitled to special treatments that others are not. This divisive thinking distracts from the unity that Ambedkar envisioned.

Q: How can the anti-caste movement evolve?

A: Our own caste biases have burdened our efforts for a more inclusive society. Fighting against casteism while simultaneously reinforcing our divisions has emboldened the fight to retain these distinctions. Inter-caste marriages should occur organically among the youth, not through revolutionary mandates. In conclusion, the crisis is profound, but we must strive for unity and understanding among all castes. Let us encourage empathy and seek to bridge these divides, consistent with Dr. Ambedkar's legacy of social justice for all.

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*Human rights defender. Connect on Facebook and Twitter. Abridged

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