Looking from afar, from a region unaffected by the immediate crisis, it almost seemed strategic to use water cannons against protesters in the midst of the shocking water crisis in Indore, India's cleanest city. For the police, deploying water cannons may have felt like a subtle way of delivering water, since they are not directly responsible for water management. For the protesters, it may have felt like receiving water—at least temporarily—to quench thirst, bathe, drink, or wash clothes. Through the water cannons, there was, after all, some water. This may seem better than having none at all.
The observation is sarcastic, but amidst the rising water crisis across the country, there is at least one optimistic sign: water-related protests are bringing the issue into mainstream political discourse. People are engaging because they are directly affected.
This is certainly not the first time that people have taken to the streets seeking their right to water and demanding accountability in water management. If I may call these movements Jal Satyagraha, they are becoming increasingly frequent as water crises intensify. Different forms of Jal Satyagraha are emerging across the country's diverse geographies. Equally interesting is the way these protests are often appropriated by competing political parties.
Delhi residents, for instance, have organized "Matka Phod" protests against the unavailability of water in several areas. Adding to the crisis is the alarming sight of black water flowing from taps in some localities. The use of water cannons against water protesters in Delhi has itself become normalized.
Indore is neither alone in witnessing protests over water nor is this the first time that water cannons have been used to disperse demonstrators demanding access to water. It is worth recalling that less than six months ago, Indore residents protested after children died from contaminated tap water at the state's largest government hospital.
There are also long-standing protests in the Narmada basin over the Sardar Sarovar Dam and its canal network. Likewise, Swami Atmabodhan of Matri Sadan in Haridwar continues his solitary struggle against mining on the Ganga riverbed.
It would be worthwhile to compare these diverse water crises and compile the corresponding protests to better understand their nature and identify recurring patterns. Different regions face different manifestations of water distress. Connecting these dots creates an illuminating map of both geography and grievance.
Some protests reveal profound truths about contemporary water realities. Consider Devprayag in Uttarakhand, located at the confluence of the Alaknanda and Bhagirathi rivers, where the Ganga is born. A striking irony of our times is that even communities living beside mighty flowing rivers are unable to escape water scarcity.
Residents of Hinsariyakhal village have taken to the streets carrying burning torches and demanding drinking water after the failure of the "Har Ghar Jal" scheme.
Against the Ken-Betwa River Interlinking Project in Bundelkhand—one of India's most water-stressed and hottest regions—a remarkable movement of non-violent civil resistance has emerged. Tribal and indigenous farmers, especially women, have been lying on funeral pyres to demand recognition of their rights over land and water inherited across generations.
This Chita Satyagraha (also known as Chita Andolan or the "Funeral Pyre Protest") evokes memories of the Chipko Movement, where women stood at the forefront of environmental resistance.
Bundelkhand also witnessed a unique campaign around World Water Day. Rather than calling it a protest, hundreds of Jal Sahelis (Friends of Water) undertook a month-long, 500-kilometre foot march to New Delhi to raise awareness about the Yamuna River. Organized by the Yamuna Sansad, the Aviral Nirmal Yamuna Yatra highlighted ongoing grassroots efforts led by women to conserve water and revive local water bodies.
Meanwhile, residents, farmers, and human rights groups are protesting the construction of AI data centres on the outskirts of Visakhapatnam due to concerns over groundwater depletion, land rights, and ecological damage to protected forests.
As a student of water governance, I find the growing political visibility of water issues encouraging. It strengthens the possibility of moving from the long-standing governmentalization of water management toward genuine water governance. The governmentalization of water, intensified by industrialization and urbanization over the past century, has concentrated decision-making within top-down bureaucratic systems. These systems have repeatedly overlooked fundamental realities of water management, contributing to multiple forms of water crises.
Several additional aspects deserve attention. One is the absence of suo motu judicial intervention despite the severity of the water crises. Another is the harsh treatment of protesters by law enforcement agencies.
Recently, the Chief Justice of India remarked that protests should not create inconvenience for others. Such remarks raise concerns about the judiciary's willingness to uphold constitutional values of dissent, let alone question governments or restrain police excesses.
Equally concerning is the relative silence of mainstream media regarding water crises. When two pillars of democracy appear reluctant to engage with both the crisis and the protests it generates, something fundamental is amiss.
At the same time, public entrepreneurship is expanding beyond tanker services and bottled water. Water is increasingly being appropriated through land acquisition for mining, industry, and now AI data centres.
Amid all this, the inability of the central government to take comprehensive cognizance of the issue resembles a strategy of neglect. Water remains a state subject, and responsibility often ends there. Water scarcity is treated as a state issue; floods become national disasters warranting central intervention; water pollution is delegated to local governments; and wastewater management remains another local burden. The result is fragmentation despite the interconnected nature of these challenges.
Are water crises manufactured and manipulated? In many respects, yes. The crisis is less about the availability of water than about its distribution. There remains enough water to meet everyone's needs, but never enough to satisfy unchecked greed. If governments can provide uninterrupted water supply to affluent neighbourhoods, there is no convincing reason why equitable services cannot be extended to poorer communities.
The failure is not merely technical but political. Water injustice reflects broader social, cultural, and economic inequalities. Such inequities extend beyond water to many public services, including democratic participation itself. If water is political, then protest must be recognized as a natural and necessary component of democracy. Suppressing protest only deepens the injustice.
Many contemporary water crises arise from the consumption patterns and economic decisions of the privileged. Yet the privileged may no longer remain insulated from their consequences. If the concerns of the marginalized continue to be ignored, water insecurity will eventually affect all.
Water security must therefore be viewed through the lens of water justice. Equally important is the growing phenomenon of water anxiety. The wealthy consume more in anticipation of scarcity, while the poor endure chronic deprivation and distress. Under such conditions, the prospect of internal water conflicts is no longer far-fetched. Small confrontations around tanker arrivals already occur regularly. One can easily imagine such conflicts becoming commonplace in cities across the country.
Unless water crises are recognized fundamentally as issues of justice, there is little hope of solving them or managing the larger protests they will inevitably generate. Supporting small-scale rainwater harvesting while simultaneously expanding water-intensive infrastructure and industries appears deeply contradictory. Such approaches may temporarily placate citizens but do not address the scale of extraction and appropriation occurring across groundwater and surface-water systems.
Citizens are increasingly recognizing this mismatch between conservation rhetoric and consumption realities. The growing protests against AI data centres illustrate this awareness.
As climate change intensifies and water distribution becomes increasingly unequal—determining who gets how much water, where, and when—more people are likely to protest, demand accountability, and seek justice. Governments, meanwhile, may continue to respond with familiar narratives of development.
Whether these crises and protests ultimately challenge governmentalization or reinforce it remains to be seen. My concern is that governmentalization may emerge even stronger, particularly when communities remain confined to the role of consumers rather than active participants in governance.
Most protests today are short-lived and focused on immediate relief. Neither citizens nor governments are engaging deeply enough with the underlying issue of water inequity. The absence of interactive governance contributes directly to the failure of integrated water management. If protests can unlock pathways toward better water governance, it would indeed be transformative.
After all, water management is fundamentally people management. The real question is not merely how water is governed but how people are governed.
Does the responsibility for solving the water crisis ultimately lie with the people themselves? To a large extent, yes. Most people fail to organize collectively to demand accountability. The impacts of water scarcity are profoundly unequal. The affluent and much of the middle class remain relatively insulated and therefore less motivated to seek justice. The poor and vulnerable suffer the greatest consequences yet often lack the resources and political power necessary to demand change.
We urgently need to transform the way water is managed. Water must be brought to the streets, election campaigns, parliamentary debates, and, most importantly, classrooms. Jal Satyagraha, in its many forms, remains a powerful and hopeful instrument for democratic engagement.
Modern community-based water management cannot simply replicate traditional wisdom; it must adapt to contemporary realities. In this context, protest itself should be recognized as a new form of water governance. The creativity of these movements and their strategic use of social media can have far-reaching impacts, helping more people understand both their rights and their responsibilities in shaping water governance.
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Dr. Mansee Bal Bhargava is an entrepreneur, researcher, educator, speaker, and mentor. She has dedicated more than three decades to understanding India's water systems, with a particular focus on lakes and water governance
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