Skip to main content

Myanmar’s sham election: A dangerous farce that the world must not endorse

By Nava Thakuria* 
Myanmar’s military rulers are once again trying to stage a spectacle — one they call a “general election” — expected by the end of this year or early 2026. But make no mistake: this is not an exercise in democracy. It is an attempt by the junta, which seized power in a violent coup on February 1, 2021, to legitimize its authoritarian rule under the garb of electoral reform.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and his State Administration Council have repeatedly claimed that the election will be free and fair. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar has echoed this assertion, quoting the Union Election Commission (UEC) about the use of electronic voting machines to ensure transparency. But such rhetoric crumbles under scrutiny. The same junta that imprisoned elected leaders and launched a brutal crackdown on its own people cannot be expected to oversee a legitimate democratic process.
It is widely assumed — and rightly so — that the country’s most popular political leader, Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), will be excluded from the contest. The NLD, which swept the last election in 2020, has already been dissolved along with 40 other political parties in a move that reveals the junta’s true intention: not to allow participation, but to consolidate power.
The electoral process, if it unfolds, will be anything but inclusive. Of Myanmar’s 330 officially recognized townships, voting is currently planned in only 267. The rest are either under the control of ethnic armed groups or engulfed in conflict zones. The National Unity Government (NUG), formed in exile by elected lawmakers ousted in the coup, asserts that more than 75% of the country’s territory is no longer effectively governed by the military regime. As of now, 144 townships are run by resistance groups, and 79 others are in the throes of active conflict.
Since the coup, over 5,350 civilians have been killed, nearly 3 million people displaced, and at least 26,000 imprisoned. Among those behind bars are Suu Kyi, former President Win Myint, and more than 25 journalists. These are not the hallmarks of a state preparing for a fair election — they are symptoms of a deeply repressive regime seeking to rebrand itself.
Human rights groups, such as Progressive Voice, have denounced the upcoming poll as a “sham election,” warning that it lacks both political legitimacy and public trust. Their appeal to the international community is clear: do not legitimize a military exercise that serves only to prolong violence and repression.
The junta, under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, already reserves 25% of parliamentary seats for itself. This guarantees it considerable power regardless of electoral outcomes. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), one of the 50 parties currently registered with the election authority, stands to benefit from this baked-in bias.
Even the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) remains divided on how to respond. Myanmar’s military rulers have ignored ASEAN’s five-point consensus for peace and dialogue. Regional unity remains elusive.
India, which shares a 1,600-kilometre-long border with Myanmar, has expressed concerns. During the BIMSTEC summit in Bangkok, Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasized the need for “credible and inclusive polls” and reiterated that military solutions cannot resolve Myanmar’s complex ethnic and political crisis. The instability in Myanmar has already spilled across the border, contributing to unrest in India’s northeast and aggravating the humanitarian situation in states like Manipur due to an influx of refugees.
New Delhi is right to take a cautious approach. Any premature endorsement of Myanmar’s flawed electoral process could be seen as support for the junta’s brutality. India must continue to champion the restoration of democratic governance and remain alert to the strategic and humanitarian consequences of the junta’s actions.
The world must not be deceived by the promise of an election in Myanmar. Without inclusion, freedom, and genuine political competition, the process is nothing more than a hollow ritual — one that risks deepening the suffering of Myanmar’s people while entrenching the very forces responsible for their misery.
---
*Senior journalist based in Guwahati 

Comments

TRENDING

To Sonam Wangchuk: 'Will undertake 70 hour solidarity fast in Gujarat'

By Martin Macwan *  Dear Colleague Sonam Wangchuk, I have never met you personally. I wrote a short article at the time of your arrest. Your work correctly introduces you. There is truth in your words. You have embarked on a fast, following the footsteps of Gandhiji. Your intention is to make people think. Your demand is reasonable; I believe that the resignation of a single education minister will not improve the state of education in India. However, the question you have raised is extremely important for the future generation of the marginalized. Education is the key to power, development, and progress, which empowers a citizen.

Gujarat police SOP sparks questions over communal profiling

By Shabnam Hashmi*  The Gujarat government must be held accountable for what appears to be a deeply disturbing instance of state-sponsored communal profiling. Ahmedabad resident Sahal Qureshi recently shared with me an official document , which I translated with the help of AI before forwarding it to several media organisations and political leaders. 

US civil society coalition slams Hudson Institute for hosting RSS leaders

By A Representative   The Hudson Institute ’s “New India Conference,” held on April 23, featured senior figures from India’s ruling political ecosystem, including RSS General Secretary Dattatreya Hosabale and BJP foreign affairs head Vijay Chauthaiwale . The event also included U.S. officials and former diplomats such as Kurt Campbell, Kenneth Juster, and Nisha Biswal, alongside India’s Ambassador to the U.S., Vinay Kwatra.