Several social media posts have erupted in celebratory tones, claiming that Narendra Modi had surpassed Indira Gandhi as India’s longest-serving uninterrupted prime minister. What these commentators conveniently ignored was that Indira Gandhi had served two distinct terms — from 1966 to 1977, and again from 1980 until her assassination on October 31, 1984. Her contribution and duration in office cannot be understood merely through the lens of a continuous term.
But what is more concerning than such selective memory is a deeply troubling pattern — the systematic distortion of India’s political history, particularly concerning Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister.
Among the most absurd assertions floated is that Nehru was an “unelected” prime minister from 1946 to 1952. Some voices even allege that he took an oath of allegiance to the British monarch and not to the Indian Constitution. These are not innocent factual mistakes; they are deliberate falsehoods meant to malign the legacy of one of India’s foremost architects.
Such claims ignore the historical context and structure of India’s transitional government. In September 1946, an interim government was formed as part of the decolonization process. It was not just Nehru who took the oath; all cabinet members did, including Liaquat Ali Khan, Jogendra Nath Mandal, Rajendra Prasad, Sardar Patel, Jagjivan Ram, and others — from different faiths, communities, and political ideologies. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar joined later in 1947 as Law Minister.
It’s crucial to note that this interim cabinet took office under the leadership of Nehru with full legitimacy. The oath administered was under the prevailing constitutional framework of the time — not out of loyalty to the British Crown, but as a procedural necessity during the transfer of power. To twist this into a narrative of betrayal is dishonest and historically illiterate.
When independence was declared on August 15, 1947, Nehru took oath again — this time as India’s first Prime Minister — along with a newly formed cabinet that included Patel, Ambedkar, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Syama Prasad Mookerjee, and others. The claim that Nehru alone “took oath before the British” is pure fabrication. Did Ambedkar, Mookerjee, Patel — all known for their independent views — also take such an oath? Of course they did, because that was the legal and administrative procedure in place until India became a republic in 1950.
Let us now turn to the charge of Nehru being “unelected.” Was the Constituent Assembly itself not representative? Were its members not drawn from India’s legislatures and chosen through electoral processes, however limited under colonial rule? Was the Indian National Congress, which led the interim government and overwhelmingly dominated the Assembly, not the political force with the widest national reach?
To suggest that Nehru's premiership before 1952 was illegitimate is to undermine the legitimacy of the Constituent Assembly, the Indian Constitution, and the entire decolonization process. These are not mere academic quibbles — they cut to the core of India’s democratic foundations.
Moreover, Nehru was not imposed on India by the British, as some whisper conspiratorially. He was chosen as the leader of the Congress party, which won decisive support in provincial elections and carried the hopes of millions. His leadership in the freedom movement, his international stature, and his progressive vision made him the natural choice of his peers and the people alike.
It is fine — even necessary — to question and critique Nehru’s policies. He, like all leaders, was fallible. But it is entirely another matter to falsify history to delegitimize his leadership or vilify him personally. Ironically, those who blame Nehru for every crisis post-independence seldom question his cabinet colleagues, many of whom held significant portfolios and shared decision-making responsibility.
Yes, Nehru differed with Patel. Ambedkar differed with Nehru. Subhas Bose had his own vision. These differences were real and often intense, but they were within the framework of a shared commitment to building a secular, democratic, and inclusive republic. That’s what made our founding generation so extraordinary — they debated, dissented, and still worked toward a common national purpose.
To dismiss Nehru, or any of his contemporaries, as British stooges or unelected puppets is not just historically false — it’s politically dangerous. It signals a disrespect for India’s freedom movement, the Constituent Assembly, and the principles of constitutional democracy. If today’s political discourse seeks to abandon ideals like secularism and socialism, let it be debated honestly — not by distorting the historical record or smearing the reputations of those who helped shape this nation.
India’s strength today — its democratic institutions, its global standing, its scientific and industrial base — is rooted in the foundations laid by those early leaders. We should engage with their legacies with honesty, not with hatred or manufactured outrage. Criticism must be informed, not conspiratorial.
History should be a source of wisdom, not a weapon of division. Let us remember that we inherit this republic not only through slogans and symbols but through the hard work, vision, and sacrifice of those who imagined a better India — and had the courage to build it.
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*Human rights defender
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