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A view from China: Beijing has gained a strategic psychological advantage in dealing with Trump 2.0

By Wang Wen 
Donald Trump’s second term may not be all bad for all nations, especially China. According to many Chinese internet users, Trump’s policies have unwittingly strengthened their country. This is why he has earned the popular nickname “Chuan Jianguo,” which means “Make China Great.”
Trump’s first term made at least three notable contributions to China’s rise:
First, his presidency shattered the image of the US as a paragon of democracy for many Chinese, revealing political chaos and deep societal divisions in the US. For decades, some Chinese idealised the United States as a “beautiful country”: the literal translation of the Chinese name for the US. However, Trump’s actions provided what some describe as a “political lesson”, reshaping perceptions and fostering greater appreciation for China’s stability and governance.
Second, Trump helped accelerate China’s push toward technological independence. More than 20 years ago, the Chinese government began promoting innovation in science and technology, though many believed there were no borders in this field.
It wasn’t until events like the 2018 arrest of Huawei Chief Financial Officer Meng Wanzhou and the crackdown on Chinese tech firms that the country fully committed to innovation. By 2024, China had achieved significant strides in tech independence, including breakthroughs in semiconductor manufacturing. This shift was underscored by record-high chip exports in 2024, which surpassed USD $159 billion, doubling 2018 figures.
Third, Trump’s trade war with China has driven a rapid restructuring of global trade, leading more Chinese to recognise that the world is far larger than the United States. Through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative, China deepened its relationships with Global South nations. Between 2018 and 2024, trade with these nations grew by over 40%, while China’s reliance on the US for trade fell from 17% to 11%.
Looking back, the combined experience of Trump’s first term and Biden’s policies to contain China over eight years has strengthened the latter in the medium term.
From a long-term perspective, China has gained a strategic psychological advantage in dealing with Trump 2.0.
China’s media and think tanks have responded to the possibility of Trump’s return with relative calm compared to the growing anxiety in Europe and Canada. Beijing seems confident, having already weathered trade wars and technological blockades during Trump’s first term.
China won’t actively provoke Trump 2.0, but if aggressive US policies like trade wars or technology restrictions persist, China will respond with calculated countermeasures ‒ and ultimately become even stronger.
On 7 January 2025, both China and the US experienced natural disasters. A 6.8 magnitude earthquake struck Dingri county in Tibet, while a major wildfire broke out in Los Angeles.
In Tibet, Chinese authorities swiftly transitioned from emergency response to recovery, relocating 50,000 residents within a day. Meanwhile, the wildfire in Los Angeles raged for over 10 days, worsened by political infighting and mismanagement.
China’s rapid response to the earthquake, efficiently moving from rescue to resettlement, stood in sharp contrast to the prolonged crisis in Los Angeles, where political leaders traded blame while the fire caused damage surpassing the 9/11 attacks. These contrasting responses underscore the weaknesses in US crisis management and governance.
While much of the non-Western world remains relatively at ease, Trump-style neo-fascism is provoking panic across the Atlantic, particularly in Europe and Canada. Questions now surface at the highest levels of international diplomacy: Will Denmark lose Greenland? Will NATO lose US military support? Will Canada become the 51st state? These once-crazy notions are now openly discussed.
For many in China, the global impact of Trump 2.0 is unlikely to surpass that of Trump 1.0. In fact, in 2025, many in non-Western countries believe Trump 2.0 will focus mainly on domestic affairs while occasionally stirring up trouble among Western allies. Non-Western observers know full well that Trump 2.0 will not end the Russia-Ukraine conflict in one day. He will not resolve the Palestinian-Israeli dispute anytime soon. He will not prevent China’s long-term trade growth with 60% tariffs. He will not, and cannot, curb China’s continued rise.
Trump 2.0 will likely continue withdrawing from international agreements, including climate accords and the World Trade Organisation. The result? The gradual disintegration of US global hegemony. If this trend continues, Trump 2.0 could push the US into regional power status, embracing isolationism.
Regardless of the scope of Trump’s impact ‒ whether through trade wars, technological conflicts, or treaty withdrawals ‒ China is well-prepared for the worst. As it has done in the past, China has the ability to turn challenges into opportunities.
By 2028, the Chinese will be more confident than ever in saying, “Thank you, Trump."
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Wang Wen is Executive Dean of Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University of China, Executive Director of the China-US Humanities Exchange Research Center, and an influential writer on foreign affairs in China. This article was produced by Globetrotter and No Cold War

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