Skip to main content

An untold story? Still elusive: Gujarati language studies on social history of Gujarat's caste, class evolution

By Rajiv Shah 
This is a follow-up to my earlier blog, where I mentioned that veteran scholar Prof. Ghanshyam Shah has just completed a book for publication on a topic no academic seems to have dealt with—caste and class relations in Gujarat’s social history. He forwarded me a chapter of the book, published as an "Economic & Political Weekly" article last year, which deals with the 2015 Patidar agitation in the context of how this now-powerful caste originated in the Middle Ages and how it has evolved in the post-independence era.
No sooner had the blog appeared on this site than I received a call from another veteran academic, Prof. Vidyut Joshi, who stated it would be wrong to claim that the caste issue—including the history of the Patidars—has not been discussed in Gujarat's scholarly writings. Since the topic is dear to my heart, I decided to meet him personally to better understand Gujarat's caste and class history.
Prof. Joshi told me there is “a lot of material available in Gujarati,” though he admitted that no one has yet cared to collect and collate all of it—especially in English—to produce a comprehensive study.
On the subject of the Patidar caste, which I had focused on in my blog (as it will be one of the chapters in Prof. Shah’s proposed book), Prof. Joshi pointed out that the person who first brought this into focus was A.S. Patel, in his Gujarati book "Badaltu Gamdu" (The Changing Village). A significant work in Gujarati literature published in 1957, the book explores the transformation of rural life in Gujarat, particularly focusing on the Patidar community.
A.S. Patel's book is reportedly a sociological inquiry into how the Patidars evolved from being primarily agrarian communities in the Middle Ages. Originally called Kanbis, those who successfully acquired land ownership and revenue collection rights during the Mughal and British periods solidified their identity as Patidars. The term Patidar means "holder of a share" (pati meaning share or parcel of land; dar meaning one who holds it).
Through economic success, particularly in agriculture and later in trade, the Patidars—who were historically regarded as Shudras, the lowest of the four caste categories—moved up the social hierarchy due to the revenue collection rights they acquired from ruling feudal lords, for which they were given land to cultivate. They adopted higher-caste practices, including Sanskritization, by emulating the customs of upper castes like the Brahmins and Rajputs.
Prof. Joshi told me, citing references, that the Kanbis might have migrated into Gujarat from Punjab or Rajasthan. This view is supported by linguistic, physical, and cultural similarities with agricultural castes in northern and northwestern India, such as the Jats of Punjab and the Rajputs. They might have settled in Gujarat due to political instability or climatic conditions in their regions of origin. However, because they brought agricultural expertise, they thrived in Gujarat’s fertile regions, especially in Charotar, Kheda, and Saurashtra.
Prof. Joshi added that there is also the view that the Patidars are of Rajput ancestry. Sometimes they claim descent from Lord Ram or ancient Kshatriya clans who lost their status during the Muslim invasions and took up agriculture. This is considered part of their Sanskritization process, which helped legitimize their higher social status, particularly during the colonial period when caste identities were being codified.
Coming to caste and class factors in Gujarat’s history, Prof. Joshi said that before the arrival of major ruling dynasties and the rise of agrarian societies like the Patidars, large parts of Gujarat were inhabited and ruled by indigenous communities like the Bhils and Kolis. In particular, the Bhils are considered one of the oldest indigenous communities in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh. This is well-documented in the multi-volume publication Gujarat No Rajkiya ane Sanskrutik Itihas (The Political and Cultural History of Gujarat), edited by Hariprasad Shastri.
As Aryan and later Rajput groups migrated into Gujarat around the first millennium CE, they conquered or assimilated many of these tribal areas. Some Kolis and Bhils were displaced, while others were incorporated into feudal systems as vassals, mercenaries, or forest guardians. Over time, Rajput rulers, followed by Muslim sultanates, and later the Marathas and British, imposed centralized rule over the decentralized power previously held by these tribes, declaring all forest land as government property and dispossessing them further.
Ahmedabad, said Prof. Joshi, was originally called Ashaval. Ashaval was an early settlement believed to have been ruled by the Bhil community. The Bhils were the indigenous rulers of the region, and Ashaval was their stronghold along the banks of the Sabarmati River. King Karna, who ruled Patan in North Gujarat, expanded his territory in the 11th century by defeating the Bhil king of Ashaval. After this victory, Karna established a new city called Karnavati.
It was only after the Rajput invasions and conquests in Gujarat—roughly starting around the 8th to 12th centuries CE—that the displaced Bhil and Koli tribes moved to remote and difficult-to-access areas from the fertile plains. The Bhils retreated into dense forests, hilly terrains, and mountainous regions in Gujarat's eastern tribal belt.
As for the Kolis, once warrior chieftains and rulers of small territories, they too were pushed to marginal lands. Some migrated to the hills and forests of North Gujarat, while others moved to Saurashtra’s rugged areas, Kutch, and the coastal regions. Many became involved in fishing and maritime activities (like the Kharwa Kolis), while others remained small-scale farmers, hunter-gatherers, or mercenaries for Rajput and Maratha rulers.
According to Prof. Joshi, there were several major and minor uprisings of Bhils and Kolis against various ruling powers—Rajput rulers, Muslim sultanates, the Marathas, and later the British—in response to land dispossession, heavy taxation, and attempts to control their territories and way of life.
Another community Prof. Joshi spoke about was the Kotters, a less-documented group in mainstream history. A migrating tribe that came to Gujarat around the 10th century CE, they were a warrior-pastoral community with cultural similarities to Krishna’s Yadava identity—both tied to herding, animal husbandry, and warfare.
Prof. Joshi pointed out that he too has written about the social history of Gujarat, especially in his Gujarati books "Sahitya ane Samaj" and "Aa Pan Gujarat Chhe Dosto", as also a few articles in reputed English journals. 
There is also Prof Gaurang Jani's book on caste system, "Samkalin Gujarati Samaj". A rare study, it discusses various aspects of Gujarat's social structure, including the caste system, and offers a critical sociological analysis of modern-day Gujarati society. However, it does not delve into the historical roots of the caste system or its class implications.
Explained Prof. Joshi: "Much of the class relations in Gujarat depended on how different rulers down the ages and the feudal principalities—222 out of 562 that existed across India during the British period—managed land, which was the only capital that existed. They created different revenue systems to run their states. It was for this purpose that they created a whole new farmer community called Patidars."

Comments

Ghanshyam said…
Of course Prof Vidhyut Joshi is right in citing several studies in Gujarati including his...I am not a social historian...I read them and get benefits from them to understand Gujarat society..I do not claim anything.

TRENDING

Advocacy group decries 'hyper-centralization' as States’ share of health funds plummets

By A Representative   In a major pre-budget mobilization, the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA), India’s leading public health advocacy network, has issued a sharp critique of the Union government’s health spending and demanded a doubling of the health budget for the upcoming 2026-27 fiscal year. 

Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar’s views on religion as Tagore’s saw them

By Harasankar Adhikari   Religion has become a visible subject in India’s public discourse, particularly where it intersects with political debate. Recent events, including a mass Gita chanting programme in Kolkata and other incidents involving public expressions of faith, have drawn attention to how religion features in everyday life. These developments have raised questions about the relationship between modern technological progress and traditional religious practice.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

Delhi Jal Board under fire as CAG finds 55% groundwater unfit for consumption

By A Representative   A Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India audit report tabled in the Delhi Legislative Assembly on 7 January 2026 has revealed alarming lapses in the quality and safety of drinking water supplied by the Delhi Jal Board (DJB), raising serious public health concerns for residents of the capital. 

Election bells ringing in Nepal: Can ousted premier Oli return to power?

By Nava Thakuria*  Nepal is preparing for a national election necessitated by the collapse of KP Sharma Oli’s government at the height of a Gen Z rebellion (youth uprising) in September 2025. The polls are scheduled for 5 March. The Himalayan nation last conducted a general election in 2022, with the next polls originally due in 2027.  However, following the dissolution of Nepal’s lower house of Parliament last year by President Ram Chandra Poudel, the electoral process began under the patronage of an interim government installed on 12 September under the leadership of retired Supreme Court judge Sushila Karki. The Hindu-majority nation of over 29 million people will witness more than 3,400 electoral candidates, including 390 women, representing 68 political parties as well as independents, vying for 165 seats in the 275-member House of Representatives.

Pairing not with law but with perpetrators: Pavlovian response to lynchings in India

By Vikash Narain Rai* Lynch-law owes its name to James Lynch, the legendary Warden of Galway, Ireland, who tried, condemned and executed his own son in 1493 for defrauding and killing strangers. But, today, what kind of a person will justify the lynching for any reason whatsoever? Will perhaps resemble the proverbial ‘wrong man to meet at wrong road at night!’

Zhou Enlai: The enigmatic premier who stabilized chaos—at what cost?

By Harsh Thakor*  Zhou Enlai (1898–1976) served as the first Premier of the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 1949 until his death and as Foreign Minister from 1949 to 1958. He played a central role in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for over five decades, contributing to its organization, military efforts, diplomacy, and governance. His tenure spanned key events including the Long March, World War II alliances, the founding of the PRC, the Korean War, and the Cultural Revolution. 

Jayanthi Natarajan "never stood by tribals' rights" in MNC Vedanta's move to mine Niyamigiri Hills in Odisha

By A Representative The Odisha Chapter of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD), which played a vital role in the struggle for the enactment of historic Forest Rights Act, 2006 has blamed former Union environment minister Jaynaynthi Natarjan for failing to play any vital role to defend the tribals' rights in the forest areas during her tenure under the former UPA government. Countering her recent statement that she rejected environmental clearance to Vendanta, the top UK-based NMC, despite tremendous pressure from her colleagues in Cabinet and huge criticism from industry, and the claim that her decision was “upheld by the Supreme Court”, the CSD said this is simply not true, and actually she "disrespected" FRA.

Uttarakhand tunnel disaster: 'Question mark' on rescue plan, appraisal, construction

By Bhim Singh Rawat*  As many as 40 workers were trapped inside Barkot-Silkyara tunnel in Uttarkashi after a portion of the 4.5 km long, supposedly completed portion of the tunnel, collapsed early morning on Sunday, Nov 12, 2023. The incident has once again raised several questions over negligence in planning, appraisal and construction, absence of emergency rescue plan, violations of labour laws and environmental norms resulting in this avoidable accident.