On November 1, 2025, Kerala created history by becoming the only state in India—and only the second region in the world—to eradicate extreme poverty. This achievement marked the culmination of an extraordinary effort that lasted four and a half years, beginning when the re-elected Left Democratic Front (LDF) government was sworn in on May 21, 2021. On that very day, the cabinet approved the Extreme Poverty Eradication Programme (EPEP), signalling its commitment to one of the most ambitious social initiatives in India’s history.
The survey conducted to identify the beneficiaries found 103,099 individuals from 64,006 families across 1,032 Local Self-Government Institutions (LSGIs) living in conditions of extreme poverty. Over time, names of those who had passed away, migrated, or were found duplicated were removed from the list. The remaining families were systematically lifted out of extreme poverty by providing them with essential documents, land, housing, food, healthcare, skills training, and entrepreneurial support.
Yet, driven by political narrow-mindedness, the opposition in Kerala walked out of the special Assembly session convened to declare the state free from extreme poverty. They questioned the methodology used and even claimed that extreme poverty still exists in Kerala. Some well-meaning individuals and organisations, unfortunately, echoed this rhetoric. It is therefore necessary to examine the process that led to this historic declaration on the 70th Kerala Piravi Day.
Kerala’s EPEP was spearheaded by its LSGIs—941 grama panchayats, 87 municipalities, and six municipal corporations, a total of 1,034 institutions. Of these, nearly 41 percent are governed by the opposition United Democratic Front (UDF). The fact that EPEP was implemented effectively even in these UDF-run LSGIs—some of which invited the LDF’s Local Self-Government Minister to formally declare their areas “extreme poverty-free”—is testimony to the programme’s credibility and inclusiveness. The opposition’s present criticism, therefore, overlooks their own local bodies’ contributions.
It is worth noting that Kerala’s Leader of the Opposition raised objections only on the eve of the declaration—after four and a half years of the programme’s implementation. During this period, not once were any constructive suggestions made or concerns raised regarding EPEP’s design or progress. Reports such as the 2023 Interim Report and successive Economic Reviews documented the implementation in detail. Those who now allege irregularities never engaged with these reports or offered feedback. This sudden outrage, therefore, appears politically motivated rather than based on substance.
To understand the depth of Kerala’s achievement, one must differentiate between poverty and extreme poverty.
The poor are those who struggle to meet daily needs—their incomes barely cover household expenses, often leaving them without decent housing or savings. For such households, state welfare schemes and annual plans provide targeted support for housing, healthcare, and livelihoods.
The extremely poor, however, are those who cannot even survive without external help: individuals unable to work, caregivers tied to bedridden dependents, people too voiceless to seek assistance, or those invisible even to the Grama Sabhas. Many lack documents required to access welfare schemes. These are the citizens EPEP sought to reach—the invisible among the marginalized.
Consider the case of Shivakumar, once a Gulf worker who, after returning home, made a living delivering newspapers. Diabetes led to the amputation of his legs and fingers, rendering him unable to work. Living with his young son in a small room provided by a volunteer group, he survived on bread for daily meals. His wife, unwell herself, had returned to her parental home. His son, after school, worked in a flower shop to sustain their meagre existence.
Under EPEP, a micro-plan was developed for Shivakumar’s family: land, housing, and financial support for medical treatment and education. His son passed both the 10th and 12th grades with good marks. His wife returned home and was provided with a sewing machine. The family, once on the brink of despair, found dignity and stability again. They are among the thousands in Kerala whose lives were transformed by this initiative.
Democracy becomes truly meaningful when a government recognises such citizens—those unseen and unheard—and takes responsibility for their survival and dignity. Through EPEP, the LDF government sought to give voice to the voiceless, making democracy deeper and more humane. This is what distinguishes Kerala’s model.
In a country that has long implemented poverty alleviation schemes, Kerala’s initiative stands out for identifying and assisting those who had slipped through every administrative safety net—the most vulnerable of the vulnerable. The LDF government urged its machinery to move beyond bureaucratic boundaries to locate and support the most marginalised individuals. In the process, a new culture of empathy and collaboration emerged among politicians, administrators, and the wider public.
Could extreme poverty re-emerge over time? Possibly. That is why the Kerala government has already announced plans for EPEP 2.0, ensuring continuous monitoring and support to prevent any relapse into extreme deprivation. The success of this next phase will depend on cooperation between government and civil society alike.
Even if isolated cases of poverty are reported here and there, Kerala’s unparalleled achievement—spearheaded by the CPI(M)-led LDF government—remains undeniable. It is a milestone not just for the state, but for the entire nation, demonstrating that with political will, participatory governance, and compassion, even the most daunting human challenges can be overcome.
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The writer is General Secretary of the CPI(M) and a former Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha)
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