Skip to main content

India’s oil, gas, coal subsidies more than triple the value to renewables, electric vehicles

Counterview Desk
A recent research paper, "India’s Energy Transition: Subsidies for Fossil Fuels and Renewable Energy, 2018 Update", published by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), an independent Canada-based think tank, has said that though fossil fuel subsidies are on decline, subsidies to oil, gas and coal were more than triple the value of subsidies to renewables and electric vehicles in India in FY2017.
Authored by Abhinav Soman, Ivetta Gerasimchuk, Christopher Beaton, Harsimran Kaur, Vibhuti Garg and Karthik Ganesan, the paper says, that while subsidies for oil and gas decreased by 76 per cent between FY2014 to FY2017, from INR 1,57,678 crore (USD 26.1 billion) to INR 36,991 crore (USD 5.5 billion), subsidies to coal mining and coal-fired power remained stable, at INR 15,992 crore (USD 2.4 billion) in FY2017.
According to the paper, government support for renewables grew almost six-fold, from INR 2,608 crore (USD 431 million) in FY2014 to INR 15,040 crore (USD 2.2 billion) in FY2017, but subsidies to electric vehicles are still relatively small in scale, at INR 148 crore (USD 22.1 million) in FY2017.
It regrets, India’s subsidies to oil, gas and coal (INR 52,983 crore or USD 7.9 billion in FY2017) remain more than triple the value of subsidies to renewables and electric vehicles (INR 15,188 crore or USD 2.2 billion in FY2017).

Excerpts from the paper:

The total value of quantified energy subsidies has declined from INR 2,15,974 crore (USD 35.7 billion) in FY2014 to INR 1,51,484 crore (USD 23.0 billion) in FY2017. This can be explained by the following trends:
  • Electricity transmission and distribution becoming the largest recipient of subsidies, growing from INR 40,037 crore (USD 6.6 billion) in FY2014 to INR 83,313 crore (USD 12.9 billion) in FY2017. A major share is subsidies for electricity distribution companies (“discoms”), selling electricity at below-market rates to certain consumer groups. A much smaller component goes to expansion of infrastructure and thereby household electricity connections. 
  • A major cut in oil & gas subsidies: INR 1,57,678 crore (USD 26.1 billion) in FY2014 to 36,991 crore (USD 5.5 billion) in FY2017. This is largely driven by a decrease in world oil prices and various reforms of subsidies for the consumption of petrol, diesel, LPG and kerosene. 
  • Relatively stable support for coal mining and coal-fired power: INR 15,650 crore (USD 2.6 billion) in FY2014 to INR 15,992 crore (USD 2.4 billion)1 in FY2017. 
  • An almost six-fold increase in support for renewables: INR 2,608 crore (USD 431 million) in FY2014 to INR 15,040 crore (USD 2.2 billion) in FY2017. 
  • Nascent subsidies to electric vehicles are gaining momentum, but are still relatively small in value: INR 1.7 crore (USD 0.3 million) in FY2014 to INR 148 crore (USD 22.1 million) in FY2017. 
Unlike most other fossil fuel subsidies, the value of quantified coal subsidies has stayed stable from FY2014 to FY2017, although some non-quantified subsidies may have declined. The biggest coal subsidies are concessional customs and excise duties for coal, which reduce input costs for coal-fired power generation—in FY2017, worth INR 7,523 crore (USD 1.1 billion) and INR 6,913 crore (USD 1 billion), respectively.
Coal has significant external costs, including local air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Studies suggest that the local health costs of coal are even larger than climate impacts. Coal subsidies benefit coal through the entire value chain, from mining to the construction and operation of coal power plants.
The level of quantified subsidies to coal has remained relatively stable, at INR 15,650 crore (USD 2.6 billion) in FY2014 and INR 15,992 crore (USD 2.4 billion) in FY2017. The biggest subsidies in the coal sector were focused on lowering input costs for coal-based electricity generation. In FY2017, these were:
  • Concessional custom duty on imported coal, as compared with other minerals, at INR 7,523 crore (USD 1.1 billion). 
  • Concessional excise duty on coal production, at INR 6,913 crore (USD 1 billion). These policies saw large changes following tax reforms, but the net value of subsidies is not expected to significantly change in FY2018. 
The major tax reforms were the abolition of the concessional custom duty rates and the introduction of the GST, which established a new concessional sales tax rate for coal of 5 per cent. While the former change eliminated one subsidy, the latter change created a new subsidy provision that largely made up the difference, INR 12,122 crore (USD 1.9 billion) for FY2018.
Another important group of coal subsidies in India is linked to non-compliance with environmental norms. The conservative approach used in this paper only defines non-compliance as a “subsidy” if a law exists, and special exemptions have been granted or good data exist on non-compliance.
The largest subsidy identified in this group is the lack of penalties for non-compliance with coal-washing requirements. This resulted in cost savings for thermal power companies of INR 853 crore (USD 141 million) in FY2014 and INR 981 (USD 146 million) in FY2017. In addition to this, unwashed domestic coal in power generation also results in reduced efficiency of power plants, requiring coal imports to improve the overall combustion characteristics.
Subsidies associated with non-compliance would be larger if a less conservative approach adjusted the “subsidy” definition to include external costs (“externalities”) associated with coal, regardless of whether a benchmark policy exists. The main external costs are negative impacts on air quality and associated health problems, environmental problems caused by the fallout from fly-ash around power plants and greenhouse gas emissions.
In India, 34 coal power plants with a total capacity of 40,130 MW are currently defined as financially “stressed” for a variety of reasons. These include the absence of assured sale of power through power purchase agreements (PPA); an unsteady supply of coal leading to reliance on high-priced imports; inability to infuse further equity and working capital; regulatory and contractual issues; delays in project implementation; aggressive bidding leading to unviable tariff rates; and rising rail freight charges.
In order to avoid insolvency, government-owned banks have been working on a scheme to bail out these “stressed” plants. Schemes under consideration include debt-equity swaps and setting up an Asset Reconstruction Company (ARC). Banks would then either sell assets or partner with third parties to operate and manage projects. However, these stop-gap solutions do not address the fundamental drivers that have created the problem.
Moreover, as India continues to internalize the social costs of coal, there will likely be added pressure on cost-competitiveness. For example, to meet India’s goal of reducing emissions intensity by 33–35 per cent, it is estimated that new coal plants can likely only run at 65 per cent of their rated capacity.

Comments

TRENDING

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

1857 War of Independence... when Hindu-Muslim separatism, hatred wasn't an issue

"The Sepoy Revolt at Meerut", Illustrated London News, 1857  By Shamsul Islam* Large sections of Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs unitedly challenged the greatest imperialist power, Britain, during India’s First War of Independence which began on May 10, 1857; the day being Sunday. This extraordinary unity, naturally, unnerved the firangees and made them realize that if their rule was to continue in India, it could happen only when Hindus and Muslims, the largest two religious communities were divided on communal lines.

N-power plant at Mithi Virdi: CRZ nod is arbitrary, without jurisdiction

By Krishnakant* A case-appeal has been filed against the order of the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) and others granting CRZ clearance for establishment of intake and outfall facility for proposed 6000 MWe Nuclear Power Plant at Mithi Virdi, District Bhavnagar, Gujarat by Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) vide order in F 11-23 /2014-IA- III dated March 3, 2015. The case-appeal in the National Green Tribunal at Western Bench at Pune is filed by Shaktisinh Gohil, Sarpanch of Jasapara; Hajabhai Dihora of Mithi Virdi; Jagrutiben Gohil of Jasapara; Krishnakant and Rohit Prajapati activist of the Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti. The National Green Tribunal (NGT) has issued a notice to the MoEF&CC, Gujarat Pollution Control Board, Gujarat Coastal Zone Management Authority, Atomic Energy Regulatory Board and Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) and case is kept for hearing on August 20, 2015. Appeal No. 23 of 2015 (WZ) is filed, a...

Spirit of leadership vs bondage: Of empowered chairman of 100-acre social forestry coop

By Gagan Sethi*  This is about Khoda Sava, a young Dalit belonging to the Vankar sub-caste, who worked as a bonded labourer in a village near Vadgam in Banskantha district of North Gujarat. The year was 1982. Khoda had taken a loan of Rs 7,000 from the village sarpanch, a powerful landlord doing money-lending as his side business. Khoda, who had taken the loan for marriage, was landless. Normally, villagers would mortgage their land if they took loan from the sarpanch. But Khoda had no land. He had no option but to enter into a bondage agreement with the sarpanch in order to repay the loan. Working in bondage on the sarpanch’s field meant that he would be paid Rs 1,200 per annum, from which his loan amount with interest would be deducted. He was also obliged not to leave the sarpanch’s field and work as daily wager somewhere else. At the same time, Khoda was offered meal once a day, and his wife job as agricultural worker on a “priority basis”. That year, I was working as secretary...

Two more "aadhaar-linked" Jharkhand deaths: 17 die of starvation since Sept 2017

Kaleshwar's sons Santosh and Mantosh Counterview Desk A fact-finding team of the Right to Feed Campaign, pointing towards the death of two more persons due to starvation in Jharkhand, has said that this has happened because of the absence of aadhaar, leading to “persistent lack of food at home and unavailability of any means of earning.” It has disputed the state government claims that these deaths are due to reasons other than starvation, adding, the authorities have “done nothing” to reduce the alarming state of food insecurity in the state.

Fate of Yamuna floodplain still hangs in "balance" despite National Green Tribunal rap on Sri Sri event

By Ashok Shrimali* While the National Green Tribunal (NGT) on Thursday reportedly pulled up the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) for granting permission to hold spiritual guru Sri Sri Ravi Shankar's World Culture Festival on the banks of Yamuna, the chief petitioners against the high-profile event Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan has declared, the “fate of the floodplain still hangs in balance.”

Proposed Modi yatra from Jharkhand an 'insult' of Adivasi hero Birsa Munda: JMM

Counterview Desk  The civil rights network, Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha (JMM), which claims to have 30 grassroots groups under its wings, has decided to launch Save Democracy campaign to oppose Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vikasit Bharat Sankalp Yatra to be launched on November 15 from the village of legendary 19th century tribal independence leader Birsa Munda from Ulihatu (Khunti district).

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...

Ground reality: Israel would a remain Jewish state, attempt to overthrow it will be futile

By NS Venkataraman*  Now that truce has been arrived at between Israel and Hamas for a period of four days and with release of a few hostages from both sides, there is hope that truce would be further extended and the intensity of war would become significantly less. This likely “truce period” gives an opportunity for the sworn supporters and bitter opponents of Hamas as well as Israel and the observers around the world to introspect on the happenings and whether this war could have been avoided. There is prolonged debate for the last several decades as to whom the present region that has been provided to Jews after the World War II belong. View of some people is that Jews have been occupants earlier and therefore, the region should belong to Jews only. However, Christians and those belonging to Islam have also lived in this regions for long period. While Christians make no claim, the dispute is between Jews and those who claim themselves to be Palestinians. In any case...