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From grief to hatred: The dangerous shift after Pahalgam

By Ram Puniyani* 
The killing of 26 tourists in Baisaran near Pahalgam stands as one of the worst tragedies in recent times. Baisaran, a scenic spot accessible only by horseback or on foot, became the site of brutal violence. The terrorists targeted victims after confirming their religion. A local Muslim escort who tried to resist was killed, while other Kashmiri porters carried tourists to safety, opening their homes and mosques to them. Kashmir observed a bandh, and processions raised slogans of Hindu-Muslim unity. Across the country, Muslims and other communities held candle marches and offered condolences for the victims.
Prime Minister Modi was scheduled to be in Kashmir at the time but cancelled his trip a few days before the attack. He was in a Gulf country when the tragedy occurred. Cutting his trip short, he returned to India—but instead of going to Kashmir, he attended a rally in Bihar, where he issued a stern warning to terrorists. The underlying message, subtly conveyed in much of the coverage, was that the terrorists were Muslims and the victims Hindus.
While U.S. President Donald Trump declared a ceasefire, Modi offered a different interpretation. Meanwhile, the Godi media seized the moment, spreading hate and broadcasting imaginary victories over Pakistani cities from the comfort of their studios. The media plumbed new depths, abandoning even the pretense of journalistic ethics.
The worst fallout of this tragedy has been the further escalation of hatred against Muslims. Islamophobia in India is reaching terrifying levels. In Latur, a Muslim man was branded Pakistani and Kashmiri and beaten brutally. Humiliated, he later died by suicide. Kashmiri students were thrown out of a hostel in Uttarakhand in the dead of night and forced to camp outside Dehradun Airport. In perhaps the most disgraceful episode, Vijay Shah, a minister in the BJP-led Madhya Pradesh government, called Indian Army spokesperson Colonel Sophia Qureshi the "sister of terrorists." Though he later apologized, the damage was done.
Mithila Raut, who works with the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism in Mumbai, wrote in Dainik Loksatta (Marathi) listing multiple hate incidents reported in newspapers following the Pahalgam attack. In one shocking case, in Shamli’s Toda village (Uttar Pradesh), a man named Sarfaraz was attacked by Govind, who reportedly said, “You killed our 26, we will kill your 26!” In Punjab’s Dera Bassi, Kashmiri students were attacked in a hostel of the Universal Group of Institutes.
In Masoori, a Kashmiri named Shabbir Dhar who sold shawls was assaulted along with his assistant and told not to return, as they were accused of being behind the Pahalgam killings. In Rohtak, Haryana, Muslim residents were threatened and asked to leave their village by May 2.
These reports, sourced from various newspapers, clearly indicate how the atmosphere of hate has intensified. The social climate has been deteriorating steadily. The Hindu right-wing has systematically cultivated animosity against Muslims, initially through distorted narratives of medieval history, with RSS shakhas, the Godi media, and social media working together to paint Muslims as the eternal "other."
The creation of Pakistan gave communal politics further ammunition to push the narrative that Muslims were responsible for the partition—a gross misrepresentation. The reality is that the partition was the result of a combination of British divide-and-rule policies, Muslim communalism, and Hindu communalism. Notably, the two-nation theory was first articulated by Hindutva ideologue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.
The post-partition narrative blamed Muslims for the country’s division, despite the simultaneous creation of India and Pakistan, with the latter intended for Muslim-majority regions. The Kashmir conflict added fuel to the fire. The exodus of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990 is frequently weaponized against Muslims. However, it occurred under the V.P. Singh government, supported by the BJP, and under pro-BJP governor Jagmohan. Despite this, the communal angle continues to dominate discourse.
Over time, more and more issues have been exploited to target Indian Muslims. Voices of harmony have been drowned out, and every national crisis is used to further polarize society. The RSS-BJP combine leverages these situations to advance their vision of a Hindu Rashtra.
The Pahalgam tragedy also highlights a shift in Indian diplomacy. As per the 1971 Shimla Agreement between Indira Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, India-Pakistan issues were to be resolved bilaterally, without third-party intervention. But with Donald Trump taking a more assertive role and Modi avoiding confrontation, the dynamics appear to be changing. International support for India has also been muted.
What is urgently needed is a return to Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s doctrine of Insaniyat, Kashmiriyat, and Jamhooriyat (Humanity, Kashmiri Identity, and Democracy). As Vajpayee once said, “Friends can change, but not neighbors.” The politics of hating Pakistan, amplified by the Hindu right wing and echoed by hate-filled media, only ends up hurting Indian Muslims. It destroys the possibility of peace at home.
We must understand how the Pahalgam incident has deepened communal divisions and resist the war-mongering and hate campaigns if we want peace and progress for our nation. Once, "Pakistani" was the go-to slur for Indian Muslims—now, "Kashmiri" has also become a target of hatred.
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