In the lead-up to the 2024 elections, Rahul Gandhi emerged as a vocal proponent of a caste census, a demand that found support among many opposition leaders. Congress-ruled states and even NDA-governed Bihar undertook the exercise, making caste enumeration a significant factor in the opposition's partial resurgence from political obscurity.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi staunchly opposed the caste census, dismissing it as an "Urban Naxal" agenda, while the RSS labeled it a divisive strategy aimed at fragmenting Hindu society. Yet, in a striking reversal, the Modi Cabinet, on April 30, 2025, decided to incorporate caste data into the forthcoming national census—a process originally scheduled for 2021 but repeatedly delayed. The timing of this decision has sparked speculation about the BJP's motives, particularly regarding upcoming elections in Bihar.
The lack of a clear timeline for processing the caste census data into actionable policy raises further questions. The most plausible explanation for the BJP's sudden embrace of caste enumeration lies in electoral calculations. Rahul Gandhi’s sustained advocacy for both caste census and the removal of the 50% cap on reservations resonated with a substantial segment of voters, prompting the RSS-BJP to recalibrate their stance on an issue they traditionally opposed.
Hindutva and Opposition to Social Justice
The RSS's foundation was deeply tied to countering the growing demands of Dalits for social justice, spearheaded by reformers like Jotirao Phule and Bhimrao Ambedkar. As Dalit consciousness grew, upper-caste Hindus, unsettled by their increasing assertion, promoted the idea of a Hindu Rashtra—a concept fundamentally linked to Manusmriti’s hierarchical social order.
The RSS’s second chief, M.S. Golwalkar, glorified Manusmriti, advocating its principles for contemporary society. In contrast, Mahatma Gandhi, starting in 1932, dedicated himself to dismantling caste barriers, ensuring Dalits could access public spaces, temples, and water sources. The RSS, however, remained detached from such reform efforts, continuing to train its cadres in caste and gender hierarchies.
Even V.D. Savarkar, whom the RSS venerates, made limited gestures against caste discrimination, but his commitment was overshadowed by his loyalty to British rule. When the Indian Constitution was framed, Savarkar openly asserted that Manusmriti should serve as India's legal foundation. RSS mouthpiece Organizer reinforced this stance, lamenting that the Constitution ignored the "great values" of their sacred texts.
drew support primarily from upper-caste Brahmins and Banias. Over time, however, electoral pragmatism led Hindutva forces to seek Dalit, Adivasi, and OBC inclusion. They established the *Samajik Samrasta Manch* (Social Harmony Forum) to integrate marginalized communities into Hindu nationalism. By publishing caste-specific historical narratives—such as *Hindu Charmakar Jati*, *Hindu Valmiki Jati*, and *Hindu Khatik Jati*—RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat sought to reinforce caste cohesion under the Hindu identity.
Electoral Strategies and Caste Politics
A key RSS-BJP strategy involved presenting historical icons from lower castes as champions of Hindu society with an anti-Muslim narrative. Raja Suheldev of the Pasi community, for instance, was glorified to attract Dalit support. Efforts such as community dining with Dalits fed into Sanskritization processes that subtly aligned them with Hindutva.
To further woo Dalits, BJP positioned itself as the only party resisting Muslim "appeasement." This propaganda successfully drew sections of Dalits to RSS shakhas, where some were promoted to leadership positions. Leaders like Ram Vilas Paswan and Ramdas Athawale were cultivated through power-sharing arrangements. Chirag Paswan even declared himself Modi’s "Hanuman," underscoring his political allegiance.
The real test of RSS-BJP’s approach to caste justice came with the implementation of the Mandal Commission. The upper castes reacted with hostility, including instances of self-immolation, exposing deep-seated opposition to affirmative action. While RSS-BJP did not openly oppose Mandal, they countered it with the Hindutva-driven Kamandal movement, intensifying campaigns for Babri Masjid demolition. This strategic polarization consolidated upper-caste support, propelling them to political dominance.
Caste Census: Lip Service or Genuine Reform?
As the BJP moves toward implementing a caste census, it must carefully balance the expectations of its upper-caste base with the political necessity of broadening its electoral appeal. The discontent among upper castes—who view the move as a betrayal by a party historically aligned with their interests—will challenge BJP's political maneuvering. Meanwhile, RSS remains entrenched in India's socio-political landscape, and early indications suggest they may seek to dilute the census’s impact by framing it as an administrative exercise rather than a tool for transformative policy change.
At this critical juncture, political parties committed to the Constitution’s principles must unite to advance social justice. The findings of the caste census must be implemented with integrity and urgency to foster a more equitable and humane society.
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