Skip to main content

Digital India, hungry childhoods: When technology replaces rights

By Aysha* 
India proudly narrates its digital revolution to the world—data-driven governance, app-based service delivery, real-time dashboards, and claims of greater transparency and efficiency. Yet beneath this celebratory narrative lies an uncomfortable truth: millions of children continue to suffer from malnutrition. This is not simply a matter of food scarcity. It reflects policy failures, deep structural inequality, and a growing exclusion rooted in documentation and digital compliance. When a child is denied nutrition before and after birth, childhood quietly collapses under the weight of weakness, illness, and neglect.
Malnutrition often begins in the womb. Schemes that promise supplementary nutrition, iron support, and maternity benefits exist in abundance. On paper, they appear comprehensive and rights-based. On the ground, however, these entitlements are frequently conditional—available only to those who possess complete and perfectly matched documentation. Women without Aadhaar cards, functional bank accounts, or with minor discrepancies in their names or addresses often find themselves excluded. The irony is stark: those who most need nutritional support are often the first to be denied it.
Digitalisation was introduced as a solution to leakages and inefficiencies. Instead, it has created a new layer of barriers. Registration on government portals, Aadhaar linking, and online verification processes are daunting for families without smartphones, stable internet access, or digital literacy. Errors in official records—spelling mistakes, incorrect dates of birth, mismatched data—can result in exclusion from essential schemes. These mistakes are rarely of the beneficiaries’ making; they originate within the system. Yet it is vulnerable families who bear the consequences.
Even more troubling is how digital systems have reshaped accountability. Earlier, records of children’s weight, height, and attendance at anganwadi centres were maintained in physical registers accessible to workers and communities. Today, much of this information is confined to mobile applications and centralised servers. Anganwadi workers themselves often struggle to access or verify the data they enter, while communities remain completely excluded from oversight. Technology promised transparency; in practice, it has introduced opacity. When data becomes inaccessible, accountability weakens. This creates space for underreporting and for claims of “improvement” that exist largely on dashboards rather than in lived realities.
Urban slum dwellers and migrant workers are among the most severely affected. Constant movement in search of livelihood disrupts access to ration cards, anganwadi services, and health benefits. In digitised systems that depend on fixed addresses and stable documentation, they often become invisible. Their children grow up without consistent nutritional support, and pregnant women pass through critical stages without assistance. Exclusion becomes normalised, embedded within the very architecture of delivery.
This is not merely an administrative gap; it signals a deeper policy insensitivity. When welfare schemes are designed around technological compliance rather than social realities, rights turn into privileges. Increasingly, it appears that the priority is not eliminating malnutrition but managing its data—improving indicators on paper rather than transforming lives.
Malnutrition is not confined to the body; it shapes a child’s entire future. Undernourished children struggle to concentrate, fall sick more often, and lag behind in school. In doing so, malnutrition entrenches intergenerational cycles of poverty and inequality. The contradiction is glaring: while the vision of a Digital India is celebrated, millions of children remain deprived of basic nutrition, their suffering often unrecorded even within the systems designed to protect them.
This raises a fundamental question: development for whom? Is development defined by portals, applications, and dashboards, or by tangible improvements in people’s lives? If a pregnant woman cannot access nutrition, if maternity benefits are withheld due to documentation gaps, if a child grows up hungry and weak, then development remains an empty slogan.
Addressing malnutrition requires more than technological upgrades. It demands acknowledging the scale of the crisis and confronting the limitations of the current system. Schemes must be freed from rigid documentation barriers, and access to nutrition must be guaranteed as a universal right rather than a conditional benefit. Technology can support delivery, but it cannot substitute for empathy, flexibility, and accountability.
The future of any nation rests on its children. When childhood itself is burdened by malnutrition, claims of progress ring hollow. Until every mother and every child truly receives their right to nutrition, the story of development will remain not only incomplete but profoundly unjust.
---
*Right to Food Campaign

Comments

TRENDING

Sardar made up his mind on Pakistan in Dec 1946 "before" Mountbatten's Partition Plan

By Hari Desai* One has to be extra cautious while dealing with the history of towering personalities of the Indian freedom struggle, especially that of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (October 31, 1875 - December 15, 1950). Present-day politicians prefer to "pronounce” on his life and quote him according to their convenience like a blind person describing an elephant.

Insider plot to kill Deendayal Upadhyay? What RSS pracharak Balraj Madhok said

By Shamsul Islam*  Balraj Madhok's died on May 2, 2016 ending an era of old guards of Hindutva politics. A senior RSS pracharak till his death was paid handsome tributes by the RSS leaders including PM Modi, himself a senior pracharak, for being a "stalwart leader of Jan Sangh. Balraj Madhok ji's ideological commitment was strong and clarity of thought immense. He was selflessly devoted to the nation and society. I had the good fortune of interacting with Balraj Madhok ji on many occasions". The RSS also issued a formal condolence message signed by the Supremo Mohan Bhagwat on behalf of all swayamsevaks, referring to his contribution of commitment to nation and society. He was a leading RSS pracharak on whom his organization relied for initiating prominent Hindutva projects. But today nobody in the RSS-BJP top hierarchy remembers/talks about Madhok as he was an insider chronicler of the immense degeneration which was spreading as an epidemic in the high echelons of th...

If Maoist violence is illegitimate, how is Hindutva, state violence justified? Can right-wing wash off its sins?

By Swami Agnivesh* and Sandeep Pandey** There was major police action against Sudha Bhardwaj, Gautam Navlakha, Varvara Rao, Vernon Gonsalves and Arun Ferreira on 28 August, 2018. Before this police arrested Professor Shoma Sen, Adocate Sudhir Gadling, Sudhir Dhawle, Mahesh Raut and Rona Wilson on 6 June. Even before this Dr. Binayak Sen, Soni Sori, Ajay TG, Professor GN Saibaba and Prashant Rahi have been arrested and all these activists have been accused of having links with Maoists.