In India, the term "Harijan" has been deemed derogatory and unparliamentary following decades of struggle by the Dalit community, particularly Ambedkarites. However, in Bangladesh, it remains widely used, especially to refer to communities engaged in sanitation work, commonly known as sweepers. While these are not the only Dalit communities in Bangladesh, the term "Harijan" is primarily associated with this group. Other Dalit communities include native Bangla-speaking groups and immigrant communities, such as the Rabidasis. The continued use of "Harijan" and its acceptance among sanitation workers reflect the nascent stage of the Dalit movement in Bangladesh, where Dalits face significant barriers as both a religious and cultural minority. In 2013, the Bangladeshi government formalized the term "Harijan" for communities engaged in sanitation work through a policy.
In 2013, the government introduced a policy categorizing socially and economically disadvantaged communities into three groups: Dalit, Harijan, and Bede. The policy defines "Harijan" as "people who are known as Harijan in society and do not hesitate to identify as such" (Department of Social Service, 2013). Tragically, these communities remain marginalized, and both the government and activists continue to use a term widely rejected by Dalit communities in India.
Immigrants Without Identity
The Dalit question in Bangladesh remains largely unaddressed, similar to Pakistan, where it is often reduced to an issue concerning "Hindus" alone, with little representation outside sanitation work. While no official data exists on the Dalit population in Bangladesh, estimates suggest it ranges between 5.5 million and 6.5 million. The narrative around Dalits in Bangladesh often excludes native Bangla-speaking communities like the Namashudras, who are relatively better represented and economically stable compared to immigrant Dalits. However, Bangladesh lacks constitutional safeguards for Dalits regarding representation in government services or politics.
The Dalit movement in Bangladesh is still emerging, as native Namashudras often do not identify with it. Many Dalit leaders report that Namashudra communities align more closely with caste Hindus and practice untouchability against other Dalits. Consequently, the Dalit movement primarily addresses the needs of "migrant" untouchable communities. The term "migrant" refers to non-native Bengalis brought to Bengal by the British starting in the 1870s.
Non-Bengali Dalit groups, who speak languages such as Hindi, Odia, Deshwali, and Telugu, migrated or were brought to East Bengal before 1947 from regions including Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Odisha, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea garden laborers (1853–54), jungle clearers, and in other menial jobs during British rule (1838–1850). Many living in Dhaka’s slums are Telugu-speaking, having migrated from Andhra Pradesh, formerly part of the Madras Presidency. These communities faced contempt and isolation due to the nature of their work, particularly sanitation. The Dalit movement is further divided not only between native and immigrant Dalits but also among immigrants, with those in sanitation work categorized as "Harijans."
Sanitation Workers or Safai Karmacharis (Manual Scavengers): Communities such as Raut, Hela, Hari, Dome, Domar, Telugu, Lalbegi, Banshphor, Dusadh, Chhatraira, Balmiki, and others.
Other Dalit Communities in Bangladesh
Apart from sanitation workers, there are five other categories of Dalits in Bangladesh:
- Tea Plantation Workers: Bangalee, Bauri, Robidas, Tanti, Khodal, Karmokar, Bhumij, Bihari, Nayak, Mridha, Bakti, Chasha, Ghatuar, Goala, Gour, Kumri, Mushohor, and others.
- Leather Processing Workers: Rabidas, Rishi, and others.
- Pig Rearing: Kaiputra or Kwara.
- Brick Kiln Workers: Kol, Rajbhar, and others.
Native Bangla-speaking Dalits, such as Namashudras, face discrimination but are better represented in services, jobs, and education compared to immigrants. They are often organized along community lines rather than as "Dalits," a concept that has gained traction only in the past decade.
Non-Bengali Dalits
Non-Bengali Dalit groups, speaking Hindi, Odia, Deshwali, and Telugu, were brought to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Odisha, and Madras. They worked in menial jobs such as cleaning, tea gardening, and jungle clearing during British rule. Telugu-speaking Dalits, often referred to as "Madrasi," predominantly came from the Madras Presidency and include communities like Mala, Madiga, and Chakali. They live in Dhaka’s slums and Sylhet’s tea gardens, with an estimated 40,000 Telugu-speaking Dalits in Dhaka alone.
Dalits from the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh) are known as "Kanpuri," hailing primarily from Allahabad and Kanpur. Bihari Dalits are often labeled "Bihari," a term that carries contempt, especially for Bihari Muslims perceived as opposing Bangladesh’s liberation movement. Many native Dalits migrated to Bangladesh following Jogendranath Mandal’s support for the Muslim League’s call for a separate nation. Mandal’s campaign influenced areas like Sylhet to join Bangladesh during the referendum, while Muslim-majority areas like Karimganj voted to remain with India.
According to the Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement (BDERM), Dalits in Bangladesh can be divided into two groups: those brought during British rule for cleaning, forest clearing, and tea plantation work, and native communities considered "low caste" due to their birth or profession, such as fishermen, barbers, washermen, blacksmiths, cobblers, Kalu, Majhi, Zola, butchers, hunters, gardeners, Bede, and Dhuli. Despite their contributions to Bangladesh’s economy, environment, and social development, Dalits remain economically and socially deprived.
Is Caste Discrimination an Internal Matter of Hinduism in Bangladesh?
The crisis faced by Dalits in Muslim-majority Bangladesh reflects a betrayal of the Dalit-Muslim alliance promoted by the Muslim League during the partition. History shows that Dalits and minorities, whether Muslim or Hindu, are safest under a secular constitution. In theocratic or majoritarian systems, minorities have little chance of thriving. Dalits in Bangladesh and Pakistan face double marginalization: as a religious minority and as Dalits. Sanitation work in both countries is almost exclusively "reserved" for Harijan communities. While untouchability is absent in some areas, it persists in northern regions like Dinajpur, Rajshahi, and Khulna. Manek Lal Dom, an 85-year-old resident of Bhola, notes that Harijans are often barred from drinking tea or eating at hotels in many places. However, in Bhola, discrimination is less prevalent, as some Muslims also work as sewage cleaners.
Bihari and Bhojpuri Dalits, brought by the British as sweepers, cleaners, tea plantation workers, and corpse handlers, arrived in Bengal in the 1930s with only their faith. Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather migrated from Darbhanga, Bihar, and Dom was born in Bhola, Bangladesh’s largest island in the Bay of Bengal. Unlike in India and Nepal, the Dalit movement in Bangladesh operates within the constraints of majoritarian politics. In Pakistan, Dalits are often used to portray Hindus as discriminatory, sidelining local Dalit issues. In Bangladesh, civil society mobilization is stronger, but the Dalit movement lacks the autonomy seen in India due to limited resources and administrative challenges. Representation of Dalits, particularly Bhojpuri-speaking immigrants, Harijans, and Rabidasis, in parliament or state structures is nearly nonexistent.
Dalits: Not Even a Minority
Dalits in Bangladesh are not recognized as a minority in the true sense, lacking rights to their language, institutions, or inclusive political participation. Bhojpuri-speaking Dalits, for instance, have lost their native language, retaining only traditional festivals and family events. They speak Bhojpuri and sing bhajans but cannot read or write in Bhojpuri or Hindi. Despite Bangladesh’s origins in a language movement, it has not protected the languages of immigrant communities. Most Dalits are landless and lack equal citizenship rights.
Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather migrated from Darbhanga to Bhola, where Dom was born. His family has maintained cleanliness in the city for generations, yet they live in a government-rented house, paying 80 Taka monthly rent, over 1,000 Taka for electricity, and 500 Taka for water on a 6,000 Taka monthly salary. After over a century in Bangladesh, they still lack homeownership, a plight shared by many living on streets or in open spaces.
Victims of State-Sponsored Eviction
Harijans in Bangladesh face frequent eviction threats, as they often lack residential documentation and live at the state’s mercy. During the partition, while many refugees, including Dalits, moved to India from East and West Pakistan, sanitation workers were less fortunate, as leaders reportedly insisted they stay to clean toilets. Governments have failed to grant city cleaners a dignified life. Instead of honoring their contributions and addressing daily discrimination from authorities and citizens—Hindu and Muslim alike—Harijans face eviction risks. On June 11, 2024, an eviction in Dhaka’s Miranzila Harijan colony targeted over 120 families, despite authorities claiming only 87 would be affected, according to Nirmal Chandra Das, secretary general of Bangladesh Harijan Oikya Parishad.
Research highlights Dalit ghettoization in Dhaka, with 27 hubs (12 prominent) around the city. Few Dalits have established careers outside these areas. Internal divisions hinder their ability to secure collective interests, limiting social capital. Dhaka’s Dalit women enjoy relatively more freedom, but education and media exposure reveal their confined world, leading to feelings of capability failure. A Dalit girl, Anuradha, poignantly remarked, “It is better to be born an idiot than handicapped conscious beings.”
The living conditions in Dhaka’s slums are unlivable, surrounded by filthy water, mosquitoes, and stench. In Bhola, Manek Lal Dom’s home lacks electricity, and landlords refuse to rent to Harijans, forcing many to live on streets or roads due to their inability to afford housing.
A community brought to clean human excreta lacks a place to live, undermining their citizenship. Their low salaries—6,000 Taka after decades of work—reflect a deeply iniquitous social order. The failure of Bangladesh and Pakistan to mainstream marginalized communities, despite claims of egalitarian societies, is evident. Many Harijans change their names and surnames to avoid identification. Telugu Dalits adopt the surname “Das” to appear native, while Bhojpuri Dalits in Bhola use Bengali surnames like “De.”
The Global Forum of Communities Discriminated on Work and Descent (2023) reports that Dalit literacy rates are 48.3% for males and 38.7% for females, far below Bangladesh’s national rate of 74.66%. Additionally, 56% of Dalit households lack land, living on common or khas land.
Unprotected and Isolated
The Harijan community faces a lack of state protection and opportunities beyond sanitation work. Their fight centers on housing and sanitation jobs in municipalities and city corporations. Reports often downplay discrimination as a Hindu issue, but the reality is more complex. In Pakistan, similar narratives avoid questioning local authorities. In Bangladesh, non-Harijans reportedly pay for better-paid sweeper jobs in municipalities and sublet them to Harijans for minimal wages, a practice also seen in India. The Sheikh Hasina government promised an 80% reservation for Harijans in sanitation work, but this was opposed, and recent political changes have heightened job insecurity for Harijans. Babul Das, a 56-year-old sweeper from Chittagong, laments that even qualified Dalit children are denied white-collar jobs, leaving sweeping as their only option, despite its uncertainty.
A newspaper report notes that Harijans, brought by the British from Madras, Kanpur, Hyderabad, and southern India, were chosen for cleaning jobs due to their "low-class" Hindu status. The stigma persists despite their relocation. Dhaka has six sweeper colonies—Ganoktuli, Dayaganj, Dhalpur, Sutrapur, Agargaon, and Mohammadpur—where Telugu sweepers dominate in four quarters: Wari (Tikatuli), Dhalpur (City Palli), Gopibag, and Mohammadpur. Over 100,000 sweepers live in Ganaktuli Sweeper Colony on 20 acres near the Border Guard Bangladesh Headquarters in Pilkhana.
Historically, Harijans were brought by the Mughals in the 16th century and later by the British in the 19th century for sanitation work in cantonments and institutions. In 1870, 50 sweepers from Kanpur were brought to clean public toilets in Dhaka. By 1905, more were needed as Dhaka became the capital of East Bengal.
Absence of Concrete Data
No precise data exists on manual scavenging in Bangladesh. Activists often deny its prevalence, but the lack of flush toilets suggests otherwise. Sewage system reports and data on deaths during sewage cleaning are absent. A *Down to Earth* report (2024) confirmed manual scavenging persists, primarily involving Dalits brought by the British from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Andhra Pradesh. In Lalmonirhat, 800–1,000 Dalits engage in sanitation work, with 50–60 involved in manual scavenging. A study by the Bangladesh Institute of Labor Studies reported 136 deaths in septic tank cleaning from 2014 to 2018.
Claims that Bangladesh is nearly open-defecation-free (99% achieved, per the 2019 Multi-Cluster Indicator Survey) are contested. A *Daily Star* report indicates over 2.1 million people still practice open defecation, with 735,000 in Rangpur and 124,000 in Dhaka, highlighting health risks due to inadequate public toilets.
Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement
The Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement (BDERM) is working to empower Dalit and Harijan communities, offering alternatives to sanitation work and fostering new leadership. BDERM collaborates with international groups like the International Dalit Solidarity Network and Indian organizations like Safai Karmachari Andolan, advocating for Harijan rights. With a network of over 17 NGOs and 2,000 individuals, BDERM demands a National Dalit Rights Commission, though progress is slow. An anti-untouchability and anti-manual scavenging act is needed, but denial of these issues by activists and the government hinders action. Academics, media, and NGOs must collect data on untouchability, manual scavenging, sewage deaths, and violations against sweepers in public and private institutions.
The Dalit movement in Bangladesh requires greater strength, autonomy, and diversity, fostering a confederation of organizations. Beyond agitational work, it should focus on skill development, representation in government services and education, and non-sanitation employment. Intellectuals and activists must recognize Dalits as full citizens, not merely a Hindu issue.
Current demands include dignified housing and government sanitation jobs, for which the previous government promised an 80% Harijan quota, now unimplemented. Non-Harijans often secure these jobs through corrupt practices, subletting them to Harijans. The government must ensure reservations for Harijan children in non-sanitation roles, provide equal opportunities through affirmative action, and ban the term "Harijan," which confines the community to sanitation work. Mechanization and job hijacking threaten their livelihoods, while evictions remain a constant risk. Most Harijans, even in their third or fourth generation, lack homeownership.
The government must enact constitutional provisions banning untouchability and caste discrimination, alongside affirmative measures like job reservations, education, health, housing, and land redistribution. The sacrifices of Harijans, who keep Bangladesh clean yet lack access to safe water and livable conditions, demand urgent action. The Dhaka government must act to provide dignified alternatives to one of Bangladesh’s most marginalized communities.
---
*Human rights defender
Comments