Rajiv Shah, who is among those esteemed journalist friends who have stood by the issues of the Dalit and oppressed communities, has raised a question regarding our 1972 protest in a recent blog, “Would breaking idols, burning books annihilate caste? Recalling a 1972 Dalit protest” (Counterview, January 9, 2026): Why did Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar feel the need to burn the Manusmriti? Why did Periyar lead a procession crowning the idol of Rama with a garland of footwear? Why did Jyotiba Phule write so harshly against Rama, Krishna, the Gita, and Varnashrama in his book Gulamgiri? And why did we feel the need to break the idol of Krishna?
A similar question was asked of Gandhiji during the freedom struggle when he called upon the people to spin the takli (spindle). He was asked: "Will the British leave the country just by spinning yarn? Will walking to Dandi for a fistful of salt bring independence?"
In 1935, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar declared, "I was born a Hindu because it was not in my hands, but I will not die a Hindu." Twenty years later, in 1955, along with eight lakh Dalits, he embraced Buddhism. At that time, Dr. Ambedkar administered 22 vows. The initial vows were purposefully negative:
- I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesh, nor shall I worship them.
- I shall not regard Rama and Krishna as Gods.
- I shall not believe in Gauri, Ganpati, or any other gods and goddesses of Hinduism, nor shall I worship them.
- I do not believe that God has taken any incarnation.
- I shall believe that the propaganda that Buddha was an incarnation of Vishnu is false and mischievous.
- I shall not perform Shraddha or Pind-daan.
- I shall not follow any rituals or ceremonies that are inconsistent with Buddhism.
- I shall not allow any ceremonies to be performed by Brahmins.
The question remains: Why did Dr. Ambedkar find it necessary to make people take these negative vows against Hinduism?
There is a need to understand the reasons for burning the Manusmriti or breaking idols by reading an interview with Gandhiji conducted by a curious journalist. The answers Gandhiji gave reveal the rigidity of the system we fight:
Journalist: We cannot understand why you emphasize Varnadharma. Do you consider current caste distinctions appropriate? What is your definition of Varna?
Gandhiji: Varna is the pre-determination of a person's choice of occupation. Following the ancestral occupation for livelihood is called Varnadharma. Every child naturally follows the father's Varna. Therefore, Varna is a law of heredity. It was not imposed; it was a law discovered by those responsible for the welfare of the Hindu race. It is an immutable law of nature.
Journalist: If a man performs an occupation other than the one he was born into, what is his Varna?
Gandhiji: According to Hindu belief, he still belongs to the Varna of his birth. But by not living according to his Varna, he causes his own destruction and falls—he becomes "fallen" (patit).
Journalist: If a Shudra performs the work of a Brahmin, does he become fallen?
Gandhiji: A Shudra has as much right to knowledge as a Brahmin. But if he tries to earn his "livelihood" through "teaching," he becomes "fallen" from Varnadharma. A hundred years ago, a carpenter's son never dreamed of becoming a lawyer. Today he does, because he sees it as an easy way to make money.
Journalist: Is a man not free to follow the profession of his choice?
Gandhiji: His ancestral calling should be his only choice. There is nobility in it. Today, society has become disorganized.
Journalist: If a Shudra possesses all the qualities of a Brahmin, can he be called a Brahmin?
Gandhiji: He cannot be called a Brahmin in this birth. It is better for him not to assume a Varna into which he was not born. That is a sign of true humility.
Journalist: But you follow the Bhagavad Gita, which says Varna is decided by qualities (Guna) and actions (Karma). Why do you bring in birth?
Gandhiji: I follow the Gita because it presents principles and leaves the practice to us. The Gita says Varna follows Guna and Karma, but these are inherited at birth. When Lord Krishna says, "Chaturvarnya maya srishtam" (The four-fold order was created by Me), I interpret that as being by birth. If Varnadharma is not by birth, it has no meaning.
Journalist: Do you not see people with qualities different from their families?
Gandhiji: That is a difficult question. We don't know the individual's entire past. If my father is a trader and I have the qualities of a warrior, I may serve the country as a soldier without pay, but I must satisfy myself by earning my "livelihood" only from trade.
I have verified that Gandhiji did not change these views on the Varna system until he died. It is clear: in Hindu scriptures, Varna is birth-based and cannot be changed by action. Education is reserved for Brahmins, arms for Kshatriyas, trade for Vaishyas, and the Shudras (SC/ST/OBC)—who make up 85% of the country—are left with labor and service. Gandhiji even suggests that if a Shudra’s son becomes a doctor, he should still earn his living by his ancestral sweeping work, using his medical knowledge only for free service. Today, we see a resurgence of "Satyug" (Brahminism). Should such a system not be stopped?
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| Valjibhai |
Inequality and exploitation have been fought globally. Karl Marx showed a path through Das Kapital, yet Marxism struggled in India. I believe if Marx were born in India, his book would have looked different. He would have talked not just about Class struggle, but the intersection of Varna (Caste) and Class. In India, Varna struggle is the primary necessity.
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar noted that political revolutions are always preceded by religious and social ones—whether it was Luther in Europe, Puritanism in England and America, or Prophet Muhammad in the Arab world. Even in India, the political rise of Chandragupta Maurya followed the revolution of Buddha; Shivaji’s rise followed the Bhakti saints; and the Sikh political identity followed Guru Nanak. Liberation of the mind and soul must come before political reform.
Our society faces a double struggle: Varna and Class. The tragedy is that the victims are often so backward that they worship the very system and gods that created their oppression. Just as burning foreign cloth was justified during the independence movement to create awareness, burning books that dehumanize and create slavery is also justified. These are not "scholarly" scriptures to us; they are the documents of our bondage. They must be destroyed.
A few years ago, white youth in England held a conference to repent for the sins of their ancestors' colonialism. MP Shashi Tharoor argued there that Britain owes India reparations for 200 years of hindered development. On the other hand, while 85% of our people have been forced to live worse than animals for centuries due to Varna, people from Gandhi to modern columnists like Jay Shah and Kajal Oza Vaidya write that the Varna system was a "noble arrangement."
Across the world, women give birth to humans. But in India, it seems no woman gives birth to a "human"—she gives birth to a caste. One is born a Brahmin, a Kshatriya, a Vaishya, or an untouchable Shudra. At birth, their rights, duties, and limitations are already sealed.
Today, a fascist Brahminism under the name of "Sanatan" is tightening its grip on the country. It is becoming monstrous, and there are few left to challenge it. The Shudras (SC/ST/OBC) will face the worst of it. Therefore, challenging it is not just an option; it is an absolute necessity.
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*Veteran Dalit rights leader; Director, Council for Social Justice, Ahmedabad. This rejoinder is based on the author's Gujarati letter to Rajiv Shah
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