What triggered the Kuki-Meitei violence in Manipur? Is there a possibility of returning to peaceful coexistence? These are questions that weigh heavily on many minds. A small group of us visited refugee camps in the Kangpokpi area, speaking with displaced families and various stakeholders. Based on those grassroots interactions and subsequent study, this is a modest attempt to present facts and perspectives that remain little known to the wider world. To understand Manipur’s present tragedy, one must first know something of its geography, history, and ethnic and religious diversity.
Manipur is geographically divided between the Imphal Valley and the surrounding hill areas. The valley, just ten percent of the state’s land, is densely populated and inhabited mainly by Meitei Hindus, with minorities including Muslims (Meitei Pangals) and followers of Sanamahism, the indigenous faith. The hills, which cover ninety percent of Manipur, are home to 38 scheduled tribes, largely belonging to Naga and Kuki-Zomi-Chin groups, along with smaller populations of Meiteis, Gurkhas and others. Ethnically, the Meiteis constitute 53 percent of the population, Meitei Pangals 8 percent, Nagas 20 percent, Kuki-Zomi-Chin clans 16 percent, Gurkhas 2.3 percent, and other communities a fraction.
The Meiteis trace their habitation of Manipur to the first century A.D., when they practiced Sanamahi. With the arrival of Bengali Brahmins during the reign of King Kyamba in the 15th–16th centuries, Hinduism began to take root, becoming dominant under King Pamheiba, also known as Garibniwaz, in the early 18th century. Though Mongoloid in origin, the Meiteis later assimilated elements of Hindu identity, adopting caste structures and developing attitudes that regarded tribal groups as “unclean.” The Nagas, who migrated into Manipur in the 12th and 13th centuries after sojourning through Burma, embraced Christianity in the late 19th century. The Kukis, also known as Zomi or Chin in Myanmar, began settling in Manipur from the early 19th century, with major migration in the 20th. British administrators strategically resettled “New Kukis” around the valley to act as buffers against Naga raids.
Manipur’s religious demography today reflects this layered history. Sanamahism, once the traditional faith, gave way to Vaishnavite Hinduism, which now accounts for 41 percent of the population, largely among Meiteis and Nepalis. Christianity too has a 41 percent share, embraced overwhelmingly by the Kukis and Nagas, most of whose tribes are 97–98 percent Christian. Meitei Pangals, who are Muslims, form 8 percent, while a small revival of Sanamahism continues among sections of Meiteis.
Inter-tribal conflict in Manipur is not new, rooted in rival claims over land, resources and political power. The Meiteis, who dominate the valley, claim the whole of Manipur, while Naga and Kuki groups have long sought autonomy or separation from Meitei influence. After independence, tensions escalated as Nagas pushed for integration of northern hill districts with Nagaland, while Kukis gained prominence in administrative and defence posts, with government backing intended to counterbalance Naga insurgency. Meitei resentment deepened. Poppy cultivation, largely in Kuki areas, became another source of friction, fueling the underground economy and the arming of insurgents. Illegal migration of Kukis from Myanmar further inflamed local politics, adding to Meitei anxieties.
The most recent spiral of violence was sparked by the long-debated demand of the Meiteis for Scheduled Tribe status. Having declined ST status at independence, Meiteis found themselves barred from buying land in the tribal hills. In March 2023, the Manipur High Court directed the government to consider their inclusion in the ST list. This prompted strong opposition from the Kuki-Zo tribals. On May 3, the All Tribal Students’ Union of Manipur organized a Tribal Solidarity March in the hill districts. In retaliation, Meitei mobs attacked Kuki settlements. The violence was organized and targeted, with reports suggesting that houses had been marked in advance. Kukis in the valley bore the brunt of the attacks, while Meiteis in Kuki-majority areas suffered retaliatory assaults. More than 200 people, mostly Kukis, were killed, and around 70,000 displaced into refugee camps within Manipur and neighboring states.
A contentious question is whether this was purely ethnic violence or whether it became a religious conflict. The unrest began as an ethnic confrontation, but soon drew in militant Meitei groups and Hindutva elements. Kuki homes and churches were attacked, but so too were Meitei churches and the houses of Meitei Christians. Archbishop Dominic Lumon of Imphal reported that 249 churches were destroyed, mostly belonging to Meiteis. At the same time, Kuki groups vandalized an estimated 393 Meitei temples and Sanamahi shrines. Ethnic violence thus spilled into communal conflict, with anti-Christian overtones, and Meitei Christians reportedly pressured to abandon their faith.
The aftermath has been grim. Nearly seventy thousand people remain displaced, living in overcrowded camps with little privacy, minimal resources, and an uncertain future. Education for children is disrupted, employment opportunities lost, and the fear of eviction from temporary shelters looms large. The valley is now virtually devoid of Kukis, a psychological and social partition that casts doubt on any immediate reconciliation. Even ten elected Kuki legislators, most from the ruling party, resigned after finding it impossible to enter Imphal for assembly sessions without risking their lives.
Government relief is limited to basic rations, while the larger concerns of resettlement and justice remain unaddressed. Civil society has shown some solidarity, but the scale of loss is immense. The resilience of the displaced is remarkable, yet their suffering calls for urgent attention from both government and society. Manipur today stands divided, not only by geography, but by deep wounds of violence and mistrust.
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*SOUHARD Peace Centre, Varanasi
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