The release last week from a Chhattisgarh jail of two Catholic nuns, arrested on charges of human trafficking and illegal conversion, offers little comfort to the scores of Christian pastors and believers incarcerated on similar charges under anti-conversion laws prevalent in a dozen Indian states.
In northern Uttar Pradesh alone, up to 200 Christians were in custody during 2024–25. Of them, 37 remain in jail, with no indication of when their bail applications might be heard in the state’s courts.
Almost all were detained by police at the behest of members of the Bajrang Dal, a vigilante group that seeks to establish Hindu religion and culture as dominant in India. A July 2024 ruling by the Allahabad High Court declaring conversions at religious gatherings unconstitutional has further emboldened authorities.
A national ban on conversions is a matter of faith for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has governed India since 2014, and its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the progenitor of a large network of pro-Hindu organizations.
Among the large number of pastors arrested on flimsy and often fabricated charges across the Hindi-speaking states of central and northern India are men and women from Kerala, Karnataka, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh.
They have seemingly been disowned by the larger and older churches and all but abandoned by their communities in their home states, with no agitations or political support in their favor.
There was, therefore, a pleasant surprise at the massive mobilization by the Catholic Church and civil society demanding the release of Sisters Vandana Francis and Preeti Mary, who were arrested on July 25 at Durg Railway Station in Chhattisgarh. Also arrested with them was Sukhman Mandavi, a tribal youth employed at their social work center in Agra.
Chhattisgarh, in central India, is also ruled by the BJP. Its chief minister, Vishnu Deo Sai, a staunch proponent of RSS ideology, declared full support for the police action. The nuns’ bail pleas were initially rejected by a lower court, and their case was handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), which usually investigates sedition and treason under the sweeping “Unlawful Activities” category.
However, massive public demonstrations led by the Catholic clergy in Kerala and protests in New Delhi prompted Federal Home Minister Amit Shah to assure the public that the nuns, members of the Assisi Sisters of Mary Immaculate (ASMI), would be released.
Shah, second only to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is the BJP’s chief electoral strategist and arguably the most powerful person in India.
The BJP’s Kerala state unit, led by its president Rajeev Chandrasekhar, swiftly distanced itself from the Bajrang Dal and denounced the arrests as a case of “profound misunderstanding and miscommunication.”
Lower-level BJP operatives from Kerala were dispatched to the Durg jail to liaise with the authorities and receive the nuns upon their release on August 2.
Chandrasekhar, a former federal minister, flew to Raipur, the capital of Chhattisgarh, to felicitate the two nuns after the NIA court ordered their release on bail, though investigations against them and their tribal co-worker continue.
Principal District and Sessions Judge (NIA Court) Sirajuddin Qureshi, who had reserved his order the previous day, granted bail to the nuns and their associate. Jubilant scnes followed outside the jail, where several political figures, including Kerala Marxist parliamentarian John Brittas, were present.
No one claims that Shah or Chandrasekhar can control the courts. But it is evident that cases under anti-conversion laws and similar statutes are deeply political and have been used to further the BJP’s ideological agenda for years.
Clearly, a one-off exception has been made in the case of the two nuns, as the BJP high command likely anticipates electoral dividends in the upcoming local body elections in late 2025 and the 2026 state assembly polls in Kerala.
The BJP has a negligible presence in Kerala’s legislature and has been actively courting the Christian clergy, especially the Catholic hierarchy, to gain a political foothold in the state.
In the 2024 parliamentary elections, the perceived support of the Catholic community was believed to have helped the BJP secure its first-ever seat in Kerala, from Thrissur—a Christian stronghold. Film actor Suresh Gopi won the seat and now serves as the petroleum minister in Modi’s cabinet in New Delhi.
The BJP isn’t relying solely on cynical manipulation of the justice system. It has employed multiple strategies—organizing Sneha Yatras (goodwill marches), engaging with Church leaders, and promoting Christian leaders within the party—to woo the community.
The arrest of the nuns in Chhattisgarh threatened to derail these efforts. The Marxist and Congress parties, which have alternated power in Kerala since its formation, criticized the BJP’s Hindutva-driven policies and persecution of Christians.
Deepika, the Catholic Church’s official newspaper, condemned the BJP’s “doublespeak,” pointing to the increasing persecution of Christians in BJP-ruled states.
Observers have also noted the warning issued by Cardinal Baselios Cleemis, President of the Kerala Catholic Bishops' Conference, who stated that any potential rapprochement between the Church and the BJP hinged on justice for the nuns. “If no justice is done, then what friendship can there be?” he reportedly said.
Still, many are skeptical that this one case will suddenly win over Kerala’s Christian population—clergy and laypersons alike—who span regions, denominations, and social groups, and who have a six-decade history of engagement with the Congress and Left parties.
For Catholic bishops, including those of the Kerala-based Syro-Malabar and Syro-Malankara rites, all 174 dioceses in India are equally important. These include 132 Latin, 31 Syro-Malabar, and 11 Syro-Malankara dioceses.
Outside Kerala, anti-conversion laws—such as the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021—and similar legislation in Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Madhya Pradesh have been used as tools to target Christians.
These laws criminalize conversions allegedly involving “force, fraud, or inducement,” using vague definitions that allow for arbitrary enforcement.
They have been widely criticized—both domestically and internationally—for lacking clear criteria and enabling local authorities and right-wing groups like the RSS and Bajrang Dal to harass Christian missionaries and communities, particularly in tribal areas.
The RSS and its affiliates play a central role in inciting anti-Christian actions. Their Hindutva ideology, which envisions India as a Hindu nation, perceives Christian missionary activity as a threat to cultural homogeneity.
The Bajrang Dal’s aggressive vigilantism—as seen in the Chhattisgarh case—involves public shaming, physical assaults, and pressuring the police to file charges. Human Rights Watch has noted that local authorities often yield to such pressure, fearing a backlash from the BJP's political machinery.
The Wire, an Indian nonprofit news site, has documented incidents in Odisha where RSS-affiliated groups disrupted Christian prayer meetings, leading to the arrest of pastors on dubious grounds. These episodes reflect a recurring pattern of state complicity—where police rarely act against Hindutva groups, while Christians face swift and harsh prosecution.
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*Minority rights leader and veteran journalist. A version of this article was first published here
Comments
Beautifully analysed and appropriately commented upon all elements in the entire episode.