Skip to main content

PM's 15 point programme: Gujarat govt 'refuses to implement minority schemes'

By Rajiv Shah
Latest information, gathered by Gujarat-based non-government organization (NGO) Janvikas, indicates that even a decade after the Gujarat government declared it favoured implementing the controversial 15 point programmes of the Prime Minister for “ameliorating” the plight of minorities, things remain struck where they were in 2006. Official sources say, the matter has been under “active consideration” ever since, and there is no indication when it will be implemented.
The Prime Minister's 15 point programmes – floated by Manmohan Singh in 2006 following the high profile Sachar Committee report sought a “helping hand” to overcome minorities' social and economic exclusion – was initially criticized by Narendra Modi, then Gujarat chief minister, as minority appeasement. Modi and the BJP had dubbed it “communal budgeting” and a “ploy” to divide the society on religious lines.
Yet, at the policy level, under him, not only did the state government allow the programme to be floated in Gujarat, it even held meetings to implement it. More recently the government has even allocated funds for it, which it was not doing earlier. This suggests that the thinking at the official level to allow it continues. If in 2014-15, the state government make a budgetary allocation of Rs 2 lakh, while in 2015-16, the allocation shot up to Rs 10 crore.
Minutes of a meeting on February 14, 2011 – in which the ministers in charge of revenue, roads and buildings, panchayats, and social justice and empowerment, participated, and where the state finance secretary was present – suggest that the 15 point programme would need to be implemented in Gujarat.
The minutes quote the finance secretary as saying that “the Government of India has laid down guidelines for development of minorities” under the programme, and that the “state is obliged to cover maximum 15 per cent of the target under the various development schemes of the Centre government, and allocate 15 per cent of the budget for the same.”
The minutes say, a state level implementation committee under the social justice and empowerment secretary needed to be formed, with representatives from all the implementing departments – education, woman and child, panchayats, housing, urban development. It was also agreed that representatives from NGOs, especially minority-related NGOs, should be taken as members.
Says Janvikas activist Hofeza Ujjaini, who has gathered this information by filing right to information (RTI) application, there is “no progress” in implementing the 15 point programme even after 2011. In RTI replies on August 20 and 31, 2015, the state government acknowledges that the implementation the Prime Minister's 15 programme remains “under consideration”, but no “circulars/ government resolutions” have so far been issued on it.
The replies specifically says, “In the financial year 2014-15 Rs 200,000 and in 2015-16 Rs 10 crore have been allocated” for minority concentrated blocks – Kutch district's Obdasa, Gandhidham, Bhuj and Lakhpat – but as “no applications for taking up developmental work have come in, the funds have remained unutilised.” Minority concentrated areas or blocks are identified as those with more than 25 per cent minority population.
While accepting in principle the UPA government's 15 point grammes for minorities, the NDA government under Narendra Modi has made modifications in its implementation. Even as not allocating any separate budget, a new monitoring mechanism is claimed to have been in place under the Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India, for proper flow of funds to minorities or areas with a substantial minority population under different schemes.
Interestingly, failure to implement the 15 point programme in Gujarat comes amidst news that Gujarat will soon provide funds to the National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation to make soft loans available to minorities. The assurance has come for the “economic upliftment of backward section of minorities” during a meeting minority affairs minister Najma Heptulla took during a review meeting of minority welfare programmes of the western region last week.

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.  

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram*  April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative   The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.