Power, as defined in international politics, implies a state's ability to shape the perceptions and behavior of other states according to its own preferences—through the use of the stick (coercion), the carrot (rewards), or attraction. While coercion and economic inducements are considered the hard power tools of a country, the power of attraction is referred to as soft power. The concept was first formally articulated by Joseph Nye in 1990, though states have long used attraction as a tool to influence foreign policy well before the term was coined. A country’s ability to attract others to its viewpoint depends more on what it represents than what it possesses.
In post-independence India, the primary sources of soft power were rooted in the success of Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violent resistance against British colonialism, which heavily influenced Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s vision of international peace and cooperation. Nehru championed principles such as Non-Alignment, a democratic international order, and the New International Economic Order (NIEO).
Both Gandhi and Nehru firmly believed that India could set an example for the world by promoting peaceful and cooperative behavior. They envisioned a world order where major powers could work together for the collective benefit of all nations. The success of Gandhian and Nehruvian ideals in establishing India’s soft power lay in their ability to present a revolutionary alternative to imperialist and Cold War power politics. India’s leadership in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) drew attention from both the United States and the Soviet Union to its positions in global forums.
However, with the gradual decline of the Non-Aligned Movement, India faced a dilemma regarding the tools through which it could continue to project soft power. In this context, cultural diplomacy—long a part of India's foreign policy—gained renewed attention, particularly under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Cultural Diplomacy
As India has transitioned from a policy of Non-Alignment to one of Multi-Alignment under Prime Minister Modi, both the focus and the tools of soft power have evolved. One of the key instruments of this transformation is the Indian diaspora, which serves as a global channel for India’s cultural influence. India’s rich history, culture, and heritage resonate with diasporic communities and, through them, with the leaders and populations of host countries.
India no longer relies solely on its historical role in leading the Global South through the Non-Aligned Movement or its traditional advocacy for world peace. Instead, the Indian diaspora has become a cornerstone of Modi’s soft power strategy. Non-Resident Indians (NRIs) and People of Indian Origin (PIOs) in countries such as the US and the UK not only contribute to India’s economy through investments in infrastructure, technology, and other sectors, but also through remittances and donations. These contributions enhance India’s economic profile and international image as one of the world’s largest economies.
During Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure as Prime Minister, Pravasi Bharatiya Divas was instituted in 2003 to recognize the growing influence of the Indian diaspora. The diaspora’s influence was notably demonstrated during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s term, when they played a pivotal role in lobbying for the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Agreement.
Under Prime Minister Modi, efforts to connect with and empower expatriate Indians have intensified. His government has instilled a sense of pride among overseas Indians by recognizing their contributions, making them stakeholders in India’s development, and promoting them as force multipliers of India’s soft power.
In September 2014, during his first visit to the US, Modi addressed 20,000 people at Madison Square Garden in New York, appealing to the Indian-American community and showcasing his development model from Gujarat. On subsequent visits, he projected India as a Vishwa Guru (global teacher), invoking ancient philosophies like Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam ("the world is one family") and promoting yoga. His personal oratory skills and yogic lifestyle have helped garner admiration from the diaspora and, indirectly, from global leaders.
A notable example of the diaspora’s influence is the declaration of Diwali as a school holiday in New York City on 1 November 2024. This decision followed sustained advocacy by the Indian-American community. Additionally, former US President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden hosted a Diwali celebration at the White House on 28 October 2024, inviting Indian-Americans from across the country.
The Indian-American community’s presence in various sectors—politics, government, business, medicine, and academia—helps dispel negative stereotypes and promotes a positive, culturally rich image of India. Bollywood also benefits from diaspora support, helping Indian cinema expand its global reach.
Under Modi’s leadership, Indian officials have actively engaged with diasporic communities worldwide, participating in high-profile events in the US, UK, and elsewhere. These events aim to foster patriotic sentiment, mobilize support, and recognize overseas Indians as brand ambassadors of India.
The Modi government has also embraced digital tools, information technology, and social media to maintain consistent and effective communication with the global Indian diaspora.
Challenges in the Neighbourhood
Despite these successes, India’s soft power appeal faces resistance in its immediate neighbourhood. Modi’s vision of Indian identity, rooted increasingly in Hindutva ideology, has not resonated well with many South Asian neighbours. These countries, having once been part of the Indian subcontinent, have historically sought to define their national identities in non-Indian terms. The rise of a Hindu-centric Indian identity has prompted them to further distance themselves, at times taking overtly anti-Indian positions.
Successive Modi governments have treated soft power as complementary to hard power. India often attempts to project moral authority while simultaneously pursuing military and strategic objectives, especially in response to threats from China and Pakistan. However, this balancing act has not always succeeded. Smaller neighbours perceive India’s growing military and strategic assertiveness as a threat. Many of them have turned to China to offset their dependency on India. Beijing, through massive capital investments and infrastructure projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has emerged as a favored partner.
India’s influence in the region has consequently diminished. The failure of regional initiatives such as SAARC and SAFTA, along with the rejection of Indian infrastructure projects by neighbouring countries, illustrates a growing reluctance to accept India’s leadership.
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*Senior Lecturer in Political Science, SVM Autonomous College, Odisha
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