In an email alert, I recently received an explanation regarding a major reason said to have led to the defeat of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Delhi—the alleged failure of its government, which ruled the state for three terms, to clean up the heavily polluted Yamuna.
The link to an article in the email alert by Bhim Singh Rawat, a Yamuna activist and member of the NGO South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers, and People (SANDRP), wonders, with the BJP now in power in Delhi, "can the people of Delhi now hope for a clean, flowing Yamuna?"
Titled "Can the people of Delhi now hope for a clean, flowing Yamuna?", the article recalls how, during the Delhi Assembly election campaign, Yamuna river pollution became a major political issue. After winning the elections, the Prime Minister and senior BJP leaders blamed the AAP government’s defeat partly on the poor state of the Yamuna. They also promised to clean the river.
Offering what he calls a "scientific perspective," Rawat explains that the health of any river is defined by several factors—its watershed, tributaries, water quality and quantity, aquatic and riparian biodiversity, and floodplain conditions. However, he notes that in the last three decades, efforts "have primarily focused on cleaning the Yamuna."
Rawat regrets that there has been neglect of "other critical factors, such as deforestation in the watershed, deteriorating tributaries, excessive water extraction via dams and barrages, groundwater depletion in floodplains, encroachments, mechanized sand mining, and the disappearance of aquatic life."
"Additionally," he emphasizes, "the impacts of climate change in the Himalayan region, where the Yamuna originates, have also been ignored."
He believes that "for a real revival of the Yamuna in Delhi, coordinated efforts are needed among six state governments—Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, and Rajasthan—along with various central ministries (Agriculture, Jal Shakti, Environment, Urban Development) and regulatory bodies like the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), Namami Gange, Upper Yamuna River Board, and Central Water Commission."
Yet, he laments, "Currently, neither the central government nor state governments have taken meaningful steps in this direction. Even a parliamentary committee’s February 2024 recommendations—including measures to increase environmental flow, regulate mining, control pollution, and stop floodplain encroachments—have seen no progress from either the central or state governments."
"Instead," Rawat opines, "the central agencies responsible for river management, such as CPCB, the Upper Yamuna River Board, and the Central Water Commission, face severe shortages of technical and human resources. The central government has further reduced CPCB’s budget this year, raising doubts about how pollution control plans will be implemented on the ground."
Rawat notes that in 2025, a review of the 1994 Upper Yamuna River Board Agreement, which governs water allocation among six states, is scheduled. "Due to this agreement, excessive water extraction upstream has deprived the Yamuna of environmental flow, making pollution control in Delhi almost impossible," he complains.
According to him, "If the central government and basin states take decisive steps to ensure a higher environmental flow during the agreement’s review, there could be significant improvement in Yamuna’s pollution levels in Delhi." He wonders, since the ruling party now governs all Yamuna basin states except Himachal Pradesh, can one "hope" for a comprehensive plan to revive the river, or will Yamuna rejuvenation in Delhi remain an illusion?
Insisting on the need for a comprehensive water policy, Rawat says the AAP government's steps to improve the Yamuna’s condition got bogged down in "political conflicts between the state government and the Lieutenant Governor."
As a result, even today, 1,100 million liters per day (MLD) of untreated sewage flows into the Yamuna in Delhi. Further, Delhi has 37 sewage treatment plants (STPs) and 13 common effluent treatment plants (CETPs), but their efficiency is questionable. "More decentralized STPs must also be built. Additionally, strict measures are required to regulate polluting industries and prevent industrial waste from entering the river," says Rawat.
According to him, "Treated sewage water is a valuable resource for the Delhi government. It can be used for irrigation, industry, and horticulture. Large-scale rainwater harvesting must also be implemented. The government should focus on groundwater conservation, restoring natural water bodies (floodplains, ponds, lakes, stepwells), and expanding green cover."
He believes, "These measures would reduce Delhi’s dependence on freshwater from the Yamuna, lower pollution levels, and increase the river’s environmental flow." However, he warns that "for this to happen, the Delhi government must develop and implement a comprehensive water policy."
Insisting that this approach "contradicts the goal of reducing pressure on the Yamuna and improving its environmental flow," Rawat points out contradictions in floodplain conservation policies.
"On one hand, ₹700 crore has been allocated to make Delhi flood-free; on the other, commercial constructions under the guise of riverfront beautification are proposed. This raises concerns about potential violations of the National Green Tribunal’s (NGT) 2015 orders and setbacks to past conservation efforts."
"The most alarming proposal is to develop a Yamuna Riverfront like Ahmedabad’s Sabarmati Riverfront," says Rawat. He notes, "In Ahmedabad, a canal supplies Narmada River water to create an artificial reservoir in the city stretch of the Sabarmati, effectively turning it into a stagnant pond. Meanwhile, untreated sewage continues to be discharged into the river, and natural riverbanks are being replaced with concrete commercial developments."
Rawat concludes, "Recent initiatives like the central government’s Yamuna Water Taxi trials, the Lieutenant Governor’s Yamuna Ropeway project, and unauthorized commercial construction in the Yamuna floodplain suggest that the new government prioritizes beautification, water extraction, and navigation over true river restoration."
The link to an article in the email alert by Bhim Singh Rawat, a Yamuna activist and member of the NGO South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers, and People (SANDRP), wonders, with the BJP now in power in Delhi, "can the people of Delhi now hope for a clean, flowing Yamuna?"
Titled "Can the people of Delhi now hope for a clean, flowing Yamuna?", the article recalls how, during the Delhi Assembly election campaign, Yamuna river pollution became a major political issue. After winning the elections, the Prime Minister and senior BJP leaders blamed the AAP government’s defeat partly on the poor state of the Yamuna. They also promised to clean the river.
Offering what he calls a "scientific perspective," Rawat explains that the health of any river is defined by several factors—its watershed, tributaries, water quality and quantity, aquatic and riparian biodiversity, and floodplain conditions. However, he notes that in the last three decades, efforts "have primarily focused on cleaning the Yamuna."
Rawat regrets that there has been neglect of "other critical factors, such as deforestation in the watershed, deteriorating tributaries, excessive water extraction via dams and barrages, groundwater depletion in floodplains, encroachments, mechanized sand mining, and the disappearance of aquatic life."
"Additionally," he emphasizes, "the impacts of climate change in the Himalayan region, where the Yamuna originates, have also been ignored."
He believes that "for a real revival of the Yamuna in Delhi, coordinated efforts are needed among six state governments—Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, and Rajasthan—along with various central ministries (Agriculture, Jal Shakti, Environment, Urban Development) and regulatory bodies like the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), Namami Gange, Upper Yamuna River Board, and Central Water Commission."
Yet, he laments, "Currently, neither the central government nor state governments have taken meaningful steps in this direction. Even a parliamentary committee’s February 2024 recommendations—including measures to increase environmental flow, regulate mining, control pollution, and stop floodplain encroachments—have seen no progress from either the central or state governments."
"Instead," Rawat opines, "the central agencies responsible for river management, such as CPCB, the Upper Yamuna River Board, and the Central Water Commission, face severe shortages of technical and human resources. The central government has further reduced CPCB’s budget this year, raising doubts about how pollution control plans will be implemented on the ground."
Rawat notes that in 2025, a review of the 1994 Upper Yamuna River Board Agreement, which governs water allocation among six states, is scheduled. "Due to this agreement, excessive water extraction upstream has deprived the Yamuna of environmental flow, making pollution control in Delhi almost impossible," he complains.
According to him, "If the central government and basin states take decisive steps to ensure a higher environmental flow during the agreement’s review, there could be significant improvement in Yamuna’s pollution levels in Delhi." He wonders, since the ruling party now governs all Yamuna basin states except Himachal Pradesh, can one "hope" for a comprehensive plan to revive the river, or will Yamuna rejuvenation in Delhi remain an illusion?
Insisting on the need for a comprehensive water policy, Rawat says the AAP government's steps to improve the Yamuna’s condition got bogged down in "political conflicts between the state government and the Lieutenant Governor."
As a result, even today, 1,100 million liters per day (MLD) of untreated sewage flows into the Yamuna in Delhi. Further, Delhi has 37 sewage treatment plants (STPs) and 13 common effluent treatment plants (CETPs), but their efficiency is questionable. "More decentralized STPs must also be built. Additionally, strict measures are required to regulate polluting industries and prevent industrial waste from entering the river," says Rawat.
According to him, "Treated sewage water is a valuable resource for the Delhi government. It can be used for irrigation, industry, and horticulture. Large-scale rainwater harvesting must also be implemented. The government should focus on groundwater conservation, restoring natural water bodies (floodplains, ponds, lakes, stepwells), and expanding green cover."
He believes, "These measures would reduce Delhi’s dependence on freshwater from the Yamuna, lower pollution levels, and increase the river’s environmental flow." However, he warns that "for this to happen, the Delhi government must develop and implement a comprehensive water policy."
Turning to the question of whether the new government is prepared for a "Yamuna strategy," Rawat regrets that "the election manifesto of the new government barely mentions Yamuna’s restoration or revival. The document only states, without details, plans to increase STP capacity by 1,000 MLD and control pollution in major drains (Najafgarh, Shahdara, Barapullah, Ghazipur). There is also a mention of rainwater harvesting and conserving natural water sources."
The manifesto also promises to "increase Delhi’s water supply from 1,000 million gallons per day (MGD) to 1,500 MGD by reducing non-revenue water and negotiating agreements with Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, and Uttarakhand for more water from the Yamuna and Ganga."Insisting that this approach "contradicts the goal of reducing pressure on the Yamuna and improving its environmental flow," Rawat points out contradictions in floodplain conservation policies.
"On one hand, ₹700 crore has been allocated to make Delhi flood-free; on the other, commercial constructions under the guise of riverfront beautification are proposed. This raises concerns about potential violations of the National Green Tribunal’s (NGT) 2015 orders and setbacks to past conservation efforts."
"The most alarming proposal is to develop a Yamuna Riverfront like Ahmedabad’s Sabarmati Riverfront," says Rawat. He notes, "In Ahmedabad, a canal supplies Narmada River water to create an artificial reservoir in the city stretch of the Sabarmati, effectively turning it into a stagnant pond. Meanwhile, untreated sewage continues to be discharged into the river, and natural riverbanks are being replaced with concrete commercial developments."
Rawat concludes, "Recent initiatives like the central government’s Yamuna Water Taxi trials, the Lieutenant Governor’s Yamuna Ropeway project, and unauthorized commercial construction in the Yamuna floodplain suggest that the new government prioritizes beautification, water extraction, and navigation over true river restoration."
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