Why soft Hindutva, 'opportunistic' electoral alliance can't replace Hindutva fascism

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*
Hindutva fascism is no more an imaginary political depiction of reactionary and right-wing Narendra Modi led BJP/RSS government in India. These reactionary forces are the original anti-nationals of India. Any serious analysis of forward march of Hindutva fascism in India needs to understand Indian social and economic conditions where caste, tribe, gender and class interact within a Brahmanical order both in rural and urban areas. It is the life and blood of Hindutva fascism.
The social fascism emanating from Brahminism within exploitative Hindu caste order continues to be the foundation of propertied class that controls the state and political apparatus of the government. In spite of exceptionally favourable political environments, the liberals and progressive forces have failed to shake the authoritarian social and religious structures that enables Hindutva fascism in India today.
The electoral defeat of liberal and progressive forces is inextricably linked with electoral opportunism, revisionist ideological policies and their earlier political association with regional reactionaries. Soft Hindutva cannot replace Hindutva fascism. In such a context, defeatism is a product of ideological ambiguity and political compromises of forming opportunistic electoral alliances. The result is gloomy.
From Gujarat 2002 to Delhi 2020, India witnesses continuous deterioration of the constitutional, secular, liberal values of a democratic state. The social, political and cultural normalisation of violence against Muslims and silence of the Supreme Court is unprecedented in independent India.

The processes of law, order and justice were subverted to defend the organisers of pogrom as a patriotic act and depict the victims as anti-nationals. The mainstream media, judiciary, executive, police and other pillars of modern democracy are crumbling and working as the type writers of Hindutva fascist power.
The magnitude of capitalist crisis and electoral victory of Hindutva fascists in last two parliamentary elections in India is neither unique nor surprising. It is the repetition of history in the rise of fascism. 

Hindutva fascists provide cultural logic to apartheid caste order and capitalist crisis. There is absolutely no surprise in the policies and actions of BJP led fascist RSS government in India. They are following their playbook of anti-Muslim pogrom in letter and spirit.

Unity and integrity of India depends on how we build up a mass movement in defence of Muslims and against the hate factory of RSS/BJP

In the long run, it is not only a threat to Muslims but also a threat to lives and civil liberties of all Indians. The unity and integrity of India depends on how we build up a mass movement in defence of Muslims and against the hate factory of RSS/BJP. 

The sporadic movements and opposition to Hindutva fascism in India are not enough. The task is to overcome this defeatism by reclaiming radical promises of Indian constitution based on universal citizenship and democratic rights of Muslims in India.
Indian resistance against Hindutva fascism led by students and women that threatens the very foundation of old and new political cretins who consider themselves as aficionados of electoral democracy and parliament. But people are spontaneously forming their own resistance movements in different parts of India against Hindutva fascism.
It is important to bring them together as a mass movement with alternative politics of hope, peace and justice. It is only possible by forming united front of Dalits, students, youths, women, Muslims, minorities, workers and all other progressive forces in the society. The priority of such a united front is to stand unconditionally in defence of Muslims.
The Hindutva fascists' deceptive narrative of nationalism needs to be exposed. History is the witness to Hindutva betrayal of Indian independence struggles. It is important to highlight the sacrifice and significant role of Muslims in anti-colonial struggle and in shaping the secular character of postcolonial India. 

These ideological praxis needs to be the foundational principles of India’s resistance to Hindutva fascism. The broken republic of India needs such a resistance project which can help to nourish the social harmony and economic stability.
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*With Coventry University, UK