Skip to main content

“Revolt” of Bengal’s lumpen bhadrolok against Muslims, Bahujanised lower castes

By Kuriakose Mathew
From famines to partition violence to political killings to colonial witch-hunt to confessional riots, millions of Bengalis have died unnaturally. The famines of 1770 and 1942 killed around 1.3 crore people. Preventable diseases and poverty too have killed millions of Bengalis. One does not even know how many have died in the partition of Bengal. One also does not know how many have been killed in Mughal, Maratha, and British wars! Natural death has been a luxury in lower Gangetic plains.
Is there any other people in the world that has been subjected to periodic waves of this many unnatural deaths? The spectre of unnatural deaths haunts the brains of the living in Bengal.
However, the tiniest ruling class of the world, the Bengali Brahmins and their Kayasta and Baidya associates, composed perhaps of less than 1,000 extended families of inner Kolkata, has seemingly not learnt any lessons from this torturous history. Maximalising political power and monopolizing resources are their soulless motto.
Uncompromising and unaccommodating, the ruling families of inner Kolkata are utterly exclusive, crassly classist, and cheaply condescending even towards the non-governing sections of the Bhadrolok elites, forget the lower castes and Muslims.
The systematically excluded non-governing bhadrolok elites have been thoroughly lumpenised and all too ready to resort to violence at the slightest provocation. Since the fruits of the famed Kolkata education is reserved for the members these inner Kolkata governing elites, the lumpen Bhadrolok has escaped quality education, trapping them in ideological impoverishment and economic immobility.
Unemployed, unemployable or underemployed, the lumpen bhadrolok are in an inescapable contradictory caste location, their Brahmin supremacism gets daily punctured by the bitterness of (peri)-urban lower middle class life. But they share the caste capital of the governing bhadrolok elites but without getting a proportional share of educational, economic and political resources; this perpetual secondary position as non-governing elites, with no scope of an effective bargain with their governing caste brethren, all they have to blame for are the Muslims and the lower castes.
Lumpen bhadrolok are major supporters of merit (all they want is good jobs with no work) but they know they won’t even get a clerical job in Kolkata without being part of the ruling bhadrolok network. But, rather than challenging the caste network of fellow bhadrolok, they blame the unimplemented Bahujan reservation and imagined Muslim appeasement for all their misfortune.
Every attempt of the lumpen bhadrolok to make the governing elites to share power and resources until now has miserably failed. The lumpen bhadrolok have tried Brahmo Samaj, Indian freedom struggle- all varieties of it ranging from terrorism to Azad Hind Fauj, humanism, Marxism, Naxalism and Maoism to mend the monopolistic ways of their caste brethren. In other words, every form of political mobilization except of caste!
Mamata Banerjee
This is what puts the lumpen bhadrolok in a contradictory caste location; they’re so close to the ruling elites caste-wise, but, as a class, so far from the corridors of economic and political power. With the rise of Mamata, they hoped for political and economic ascendancy.
And Mamata’s rule did encourage the inclusion of lumpen bhadrolk into the ruling class, though with too little, but she also did the unthinkable. She shared power and resources with the lower castes and Muslims, too, to the great horror of both sections of the bhadrolok.
The lumpen bhadrolok wants to do fratricide without hurting Brahmin supremacism and without letting the Bengali Bahujans rise. They want regime change without social and economic change in favour of Bahujans.
After decades of failed political experiments, the lumpen bhadrolok has finally found their rightful political platform, i.e. Hindu Nazism. With BJP, they hope to unseat the governing elites based on a Hindu unity ideology, that would untouchablise Muslims and hegemonies the lower castes. They have mobilized sizable sections of Hinduised ‘chotolok’ invoking Muslim-hatred.
But the hegemony of the ruling bhadrolk elites is such that they will not give up an inch. They consider themselves as the divine priests of universities, media, judiciary, politburos, legislature, puja pandals and so on. In other words, it is a complete socio-politico-economic dictatorship of bhadrolok elites. They are trying their best to keep the lumpen bhadrolok as foot soldiers against lower castes and Muslims.
Nevertheless, the revolt of the lumpen bhadrolok is triple-edged; it is simultaneously against Muslims, Bahujanised lower castes and the dictatorship of their caste brethren. The lumpen bhadrolok hardly care about Ishwar Chandra Bandyopadhyay or Tagore -- the icons of the ruling bhadrolok, their busts will be broken. Many more to follow!
This caste dictatorship too shall fall, but unfortunately not without a civil war. It is inevitable. Let the bhadroloks kill each other, but who will save Muslims and lower castes from their fratricidal intra-caste war?
---
Source: Author’s Facebook timeline

Comments

TRENDING

Grueling summer ahead: Cuttack’s alarming health trends and what they mean for Odisha

By Sudhansu R Das  The preparation to face the summer should begin early in Odisha. People in the state endure long, grueling summer months starting from mid-February and extending until the end of October. This prolonged heat adversely affects productivity, causes deaths and diseases, and impacts agriculture, tourism and the unorganized sector. The social, economic and cultural life of the state remains severely disrupted during the peak heat months.

Stronger India–Russia partnership highlights a missed energy breakthrough

By N.S. Venkataraman*  The recent visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India was widely publicized across several countries and has attracted significant global attention. The warmth with which Mr. Putin was received by Prime Minister Narendra Modi was particularly noted, prompting policy planners worldwide to examine the implications of this cordial relationship for the global economy and political climate. India–Russia relations have stood on a strong foundation for decades and have consistently withstood geopolitical shifts. This is in marked contrast to India’s ties with the United States, which have experienced fluctuations under different U.S. administrations.

From natural farming to fair prices: Young entrepreneurs show a new path

By Bharat Dogra   There have been frequent debates on agro-business companies not showing adequate concern for the livelihoods of small farmers. Farmers’ unions have often protested—generally with good reason—that while they do not receive fair returns despite high risks and hard work, corporate interests that merely process the crops produced by farmers earn disproportionately high profits. Hence, there is a growing demand for alternative models of agro-business development that demonstrate genuine commitment to protecting farmer livelihoods.

The Vande Mataram debate and the politics of manufactured controversy

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The recent Vande Mataram debate in Parliament was never meant to foster genuine dialogue. Each political party spoke past the other, addressing its own constituency, ensuring that clips went viral rather than contributing to meaningful deliberation. The objective was clear: to construct a Hindutva narrative ahead of the Bengal elections. Predictably, the Lok Sabha will likely expunge the opposition’s “controversial” remarks while retaining blatant inaccuracies voiced by ministers and ruling-party members. The BJP has mastered the art of inserting distortions into parliamentary records to provide them with a veneer of historical legitimacy.

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

The cost of being Indian: How inequality and market logic redefine rights

By Vikas Gupta   We, the people of India, are engaged in a daily tryst—read: struggle—for basic human rights. For the seemingly well-to-do, the wish list includes constant water supply, clean air, safe roads, punctual public transportation, and crime-free neighbourhoods. For those further down the ladder, the struggle is starker: food that fills the stomach, water that doesn’t sicken, medicines that don’t kill, houses that don’t flood, habitats at safe distances from polluted streams or garbage piles, and exploitation-free environments in the public institutions they are compelled to navigate.

Why India must urgently strengthen its policies for an ageing population

By Bharat Dogra   A quiet but far-reaching demographic transformation is reshaping much of the world. As life expectancy rises and birth rates fall, societies are witnessing a rapid increase in the proportion of older people. This shift has profound implications for public policy, and the need to strengthen frameworks for healthy and secure ageing has never been more urgent. India is among the countries where these pressures will intensify most sharply in the coming decades.

Thota Sitaramaiah: An internal pillar of an underground organisation

By Harsh Thakor*  Thota Sitaramaiah was regarded within his circles as an example of the many individuals whose work in various underground movements remained largely unknown to the wider public. While some leaders become visible through organisational roles or media attention, many others contribute quietly, without public recognition. Sitaramaiah was considered one such figure. He passed away on December 8, 2025, at the age of 65.

Proposals for Babri Masjid, Ram Temple spark fears of polarisation before West Bengal polls

By A Representative   A political debate has emerged in West Bengal following recent announcements about plans for new religious structures in Murshidabad district, including a proposed mosque to be named Babri Masjid and a separate announcement by a BJP leader regarding the construction of a Ram temple in another location within Behrampur.