Skip to main content

Manusmriti doesn't mention untouchability, Ambedkar knew it: HAF

A demonstration seeking respect to Hinduism in US
By A Representative
Taking strong exception to the activists’ and academics’ campaign in California, US, which led the local education officials to agree to include caste system as part of ancient Indian, especially Hindu , civilization in the sixth and seventh grade textbooks (click HERE), a senior official of the Hindu American Hindu (HAF) has claimed that “hierarchical” caste system was never part of ancient Hindu scriptures.
Even as agreeing that the “familial and discriminatory caste system” can be found in the later texts such as the Manusmriti – the most hated of all ancient texts among Dalits – the HAF official said, the Manusmriti texts “are not the source of the spiritual teachings of Hinduism”, arguing, “Very few Hindus are even familiar with these texts today.”
Asserting that untouchability is the “most repugnant form of caste-based discrimination and still afflicts many parts of India”, the official, Swami Venkataraman, HAF executive council member, however, says, “Even texts such as the Manusmriti make no mention of untouchability.”
HAF has for long been one of the strongest organizations supporting Modi in the US ever since he was denied a visa in 2005, and has praised Modi’s understanding of “Hindu teachings” about human dignity, mutual respect, selfless service, and pluralism.
Venkataraman, in an article in a “right-liberal” site, underlines, “In his book ‘The Untouchables – Who were they, and why they became untouchables’, Dr BR Ambedkar clearly states that there was no untouchability in the time of Manu and traces the rise of untouchability to somewhere between the 2nd and 6th centuries CE, while the Rig Veda was composed no later than 1500 BCE.”
Venkataraman, whose article comes close on the heels of the HAF’s massive defeat in California to avoid caste as part of curriculum, says, “While acknowledging that Indian society, including its religious elites, practiced untouchability during the medieval period, there is no sanction for this practice in Hindu scripture.”
Venkataraman particularly takes strong exception to the US-based academics’ group South Asia Faculty Group (SAFG) and a US-based Dalit activists’ group, South Asian Histories for All (SAHFA), which, according to him, contended that “Hinduism is inseparable from caste-based discrimination, which has been a feature of the religion right from the beginning”, and that “HAF is looking to erase the experience of Dalits and other low castes”.
Venkataraman says, “The caste system did indeed become hierarchical and based on family of birth, but that developed over many centuries, and is not intrinsic to the practice of Hinduism.” He adds, “Contrary to SAFG and SAHFA’s claims that Hinduism’s sacred scriptures prescribe a birth-based caste system, there is actually direct evidence that caste was NOT based on birth.”
He argues, “The idea that different individuals of the same family can have different varnas and that individuals had a choice of varna are actually present in the Rig Veda itself”, adding, “The Upanishad goes as far as to say that, leave alone one’s family of birth, even scriptural knowledge is not adequate to make one a Brahmin and that only actual experience of one’s own divine nature through meditation suffices.”
In fact, says Venkataraman, the Mahabharata “has many verses which affirm that one’s varna is not determined by birth. That a shÅ«dra with the qualities of a Brahmin is a Brahmin, while a Brahmin with the qualities of a shÅ«dra is a ShÅ«dra, and that the wise consider character alone as the primary factor in deciding one’s varna (Mahabharata 3.177.20-32).”
Agreeing that Hindu tradition does consider Valmiki and Vyasa as “Brahmins,” despite their birth among the “low castes”, Venkataram says, “The Valmiki community is officially one of the Dalit communities in modern day India, which leads to one of many conclusions, all contradicting the … central thesis of rigid birth-based caste.”
Insisting that Hinduism in the US be “afforded the same treatment as other religions in California textbooks”, Venkataraman asks, “Are slavery and Spanish genocides taught as an intrinsic and inseparable feature of Christianity?”

Comments

Subhash Garg said…
You claim to be an "alternative" platform. Alternative to what? Here you're on the side of the government and the side of prejudice. Yes, prejudice in the eyes of militant dalits against non-dalit Hindus. Th HAF in this case is the "alternative" voice challenging the state's ignorance and naivete.

TRENDING

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra  When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Concerns raised over move to rename MGNREGA, critics call it politically motivated

By A Representative   Concerns have been raised over the Union government’s reported move to rename the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), with critics describing it as a politically motivated step rather than an administrative reform. They argue that the proposed change undermines the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and seeks to appropriate credit for a programme whose relevance has been repeatedly demonstrated, particularly during times of crisis.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative   The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative   Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.

From jobless to ‘job-loss’ growth: Experts critique gig economy and fintech risks

By A Representative   Leading economists and social activists gathered in the capital on Friday to launch the third edition of the State of Finance in India Report 2024-25 , issuing a stark warning that the rapid digitalization of the Indian economy is eroding welfare systems and entrenching "digital dystopia."