Skip to main content

Appeasement of Brahmins in Uttar Pradesh bypolls with an eye on 2022 elections?

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*

While the second phase of Bihar state elections has ended on November 3 and may prove crucial, bypolls held alongside in Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and many other places too are not without significance. If they will decide the future of the Madhya Pradesh government, where the Congress rule fell in March 2020 after several of its Congress MLAs switched over to BJP, in Uttar Pradesh they will reflect the public mood for the 2022 elections in the state.
Fight for Brahmin votes in Uttar Pradesh shows how political parties have gone bankrupt on the ideological front. During elections one should appeal to all segments of society, but the way Uttar Pradesh parties have gone out of the way to woo Brahmins proves that all parties feel this one community can make and unmake a leader.
One has only to see how this is happening Deoria, one of the most important districts of Uttar Pradesh. It was a bigger districts which was bifurcated. A new district, Kushinagar, where Buddha died, was carved out by Mayawati, when she was the chief minister to promote the Buddha’s legacy.
Deoria district has over 17 lakh voters with 52% OBCs, 14% Muslims, 15% scheduled castes voters. The 'general' or the savarna (dominant caste) voters are 19%, but politics of the district is dominated by the savarnas, particularly Brahmins and Kayasthas. Deoria Sadar is the assembly constituency where voting took place on November 3 because of the death of Janmejay Singh, a Rajput.
This time, all the major parties in fray have given tickets to Brahmin candidates. Whether it is BJP, Samajwadi Party, BSP or Congress, all of them could not find a 'suitable' candidate from any other community. If this not 'casteism' what what is it? BJP has fielded Dr Satya Prakash Tripathi, while the Samajwadi Party has given ticket to Brahmashankar Tripathi. The Bahujan Samaj Party's candidate is Abhaynath Tripathi and the Congress candidate is Mukund Bhaskar Mani Tripathi.
Deoria has rarely been able to elect a non-savarna candidate -- a strange compulsion that political parties are not even thinking of mobilising different communities and their issues. Deoria remains one of the most backward districts with a large number of Mushahars (a tribal-turned-Dalit community found in the eastern Gangetic plain and the Terai), fisher folk and backward Muslims. Yet political leadership of the four major parties have rarely thought of this. What is the compulsion of political forces to opt for Brahmins, and that too with a particular variety, Tripathi?
While one may wish that these elections spring some surprises, for the people who are victims of caste oppression in Deoria, it does not matter which of the Tripathi wins
One might celebrate some day the victory of this or that party, but the Brahmins will have the 'cake', whether it is BJP, SP, BSP or Congress. Is this the new 'enlightenment' or way to revive Brahmanism, or have our parties gone completely bankrupt ideologically? I am not suggesting that political parties should not give ticket to savaranas or Brahmins. All I am suggesting is, how come, all parties find suitable candidates in just one particular community? Is not it an 'appeasement' of Brahmins?
Deoria appears to have become the symbolism of UP's politics to bring Brahmins back to the political fold. Bramins are 11% of the state population, and after Dalits, it is suggested, they constitute the second biggest chunk. But more than that it their 'influence' which considered important. Right from the loudspeakers on our TV studios to editors at our newspapers, they are in bureaucracy, police and all the services.
All the temples are their exclusive domain, and that reflects their power. While BJP and Congress are traditional parties of Brahmins and their domination, Samajwadi Party and BSP vying for Brahmin votes suggests they seem to have realised that their road to power will be impossible without Brahmin 'goodwill'. One wishes one could understand the Phulel-Ambedkar-Periyar legacy in social movements in political processes, too.
Uttar Pradesh has had a strong Ambedkarite movement. But unfortunately, at the moment, the movement is not in a position to guide BSP, while Samajwadi Party does not have such outfits which can speak of the Phule-Ambedkar-Periyar legacy. 
While one may wish that these elections spring some surprises, for the people who are victims of caste oppression in Deoria, it does not matter which of the Tripathi wins. Their candidature suggests that Brahmins in UP will remain at the top of political structure in the coming days. Indeed, the bypolls reflect the compulsions and ideological failures of our political parties.
---
*Human rights defender

Comments

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

UP tribal woman human rights defender Sokalo released on bail

By  A  Representative After almost five months in jail, Adivasi human rights defender and forest worker Sokalo Gond has been finally released on bail.Despite being granted bail on October 4, technical and procedural issues kept Sokalo behind bars until November 1. The Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) and the All India Union of Forest Working People (AIUFWP), which are backing Sokalo, called it a "major victory." Sokalo's release follows the earlier releases of Kismatiya and Sukhdev Gond in September. "All three forest workers and human rights defenders were illegally incarcerated under false charges, in what is the State's way of punishing those who are active in their fight for the proper implementation of the Forest Rights Act (2006)", said a CJP statement.

Would breaking idols, burning books annihilate caste? Recalling a 1972 Dalit protest

By Rajiv Shah  A few days ago, I received an email alert from a veteran human rights leader who has fought many battles in Gujarat for the Dalit cause — both through ground-level campaigns and courtroom struggles. The alert, sent in Gujarati by Valjibhai Patel, who heads the Council for Social Justice, stated: “In 1935, Babasaheb Ambedkar burnt the Manusmriti . In 1972, we broke the idol of Krishna , whom we regarded as the creator of the varna (caste) system.”

May the Earth Be Auspicious: Vedic ecology and contemporary crisis in Ashok Vajpeyi’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Ashok Vajpeyi, born in 1941, occupies a singular position in contemporary Hindi poetry as a poet whose work quietly but decisively reorients modern literary consciousness toward ethical, ecological, and civilizational questions. Across more than six decades of writing, Vajpeyi has forged a poetic idiom marked by restraint, philosophical attentiveness, and moral seriousness, resisting both rhetorical excess and ideological simplification.