Skip to main content

SIR 2025 and the ghosts of 2002? Understanding the 'mismatch' in West Bengal’s electoral rolls

By Dr. Md. Juel Rana* 
The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls conducted in West Bengal in 2002 has emerged as a critical point of discussion in the context of the ongoing SIR 2025. An estimate reveals that only 55 percent of electors listed in the 2002 SIR match with those registered in 2025, indicating a substantial mismatch of 45 percent over the past two decades. While such discrepancies are not entirely unexpected given the natural demographic changes that occur over time, the magnitude of this mismatch raises serious concerns about the integrity and completeness of the 2002 SIR exercise.
The 45 percent mismatch can be attributed to several factors, including both legitimate demographic changes, gerrymandering and potentially significant procedural failures. On one hand, deletions from the electoral rolls occur naturally due to out-migration, as people move to other states in search of better opportunities, and due to deaths among the registered electorate. On the other hand, additions to the rolls happen through in-migration, as new residents settle in the state, and as young citizens attain voting age upon completing eighteen years. However, quantifying the precise contributions of each of these factors—deletion versus addition, and their specific causes—remains a complex challenge that demands careful scrutiny.
What makes this situation particularly concerning is the possibility that beyond these natural demographic transitions, a significant portion of the mismatch may have resulted from a flawed execution of the 2002 SIR. While periodic revisions of electoral rolls are essential to maintain an accurate and updated database of eligible electors, such mammoth exercises must be conducted with utmost care, transparency, and accountability to avoid creating unnecessary hardships for citizens.
The current SIR 2025 carries implications that extend far beyond mere updating of electoral rolls, which was the primary objective of earlier revisions. This time, the exercise has been linked, albeit through indirect mechanisms, with questions of citizenship, making it fundamentally different in nature. Given this elevated significance, the procedural lapses and systematic failures that characterized the 2002 SIR cannot be overlooked or dismissed. Instead, they must be carefully examined and corrected to ensure that genuine voters are not disenfranchised or subjected to unnecessary bureaucratic harassment.
Exclusion of Valid Electors
Field investigations and testimonies from affected communities reveal that during the 2002 SIR, established procedures were not properly followed in numerous instances, resulting in the exclusion of many valid electors from the rolls. A particularly shocking example comes from Borobagan village (Haddatola Kamatbari), located in Dharmapur Gram Panchayat in Manikchak Block of Malda district. This village presents a stark illustration of how the 2002 revision failed to capture the actual electorate.
In 1998, about 1,500 electors from Borobagan were registered across two polling booths—one single booth and one joint booth. This number either remained reduced a bit to around 1500 electors in 2003. However, in a surprising and unexplained development, the number of registered electors in 2002 dropped precipitously to just 826—barely half of the previous count. Such a dramatic decline cannot be explained by normal demographic change and gerrymandering alone and points to serious irregularities in the revision process.
Several interconnected factors appear to have contributed to this massive exclusion. First, the population in these areas predominantly belongs to marginalized communities with limited literacy and lower levels of awareness about administrative processes like the SIR. Second, since no elections were scheduled for that year—the assembly elections having been held in 2001 and panchayat elections scheduled for 2003—there was limited political mobilization around the electoral roll revision. The local political leaders, who typically play a crucial role in ensuring their supporters are registered, showed little interest in the process. 
Third, and perhaps most troubling, is the evidence of negligence by administrative authorities responsible for conducting the revision. When questioned about why only approximately half of the eligible population appeared on the 2002 electoral rolls, the Booth Level Officer (BLO) who oversaw the process in Borobagan claimed to have performed his duties properly. He suggested that deletions might have occurred at higher administrative levels, effectively passing the responsibility upward.
The human cost of these procedural failures becomes apparent when examining individual cases. According to local BLOs familiar with the area, approximately one-fourth of the voters who were deleted from the 2002 rolls had previously held voter identity cards bearing unique electoral numbers. However, the remaining three-fourths did not possess voter cards, as having such cards was not mandatory at that time for casting their vote. This distinction has now become critical, as those even with a valid voter card were excluded from the electoral list. 
Consider the case of one individual whose identity is being protected here. His ancestral history in the region is well-documented: his forefathers purchased land in 1901 from the then landlord, and this transaction was officially recorded in 1922. Over subsequent decades throughout the twentieth century, his ancestors engaged in multiple documented land transactions—buying and selling properties that are all matters of public record. He can produce evidence showing his forefather’s, father's, and mother's names on the electoral rolls from 1966 and 1971. His own voter identity card was issued in 1996, establishing his status as a recognized elector. Yet, mysteriously, his name disappeared from the 2002 SIR.
Under the new guidelines governing SIR 2025, the existence of his parents' names on electoral rolls from 1966 and 1971 is deemed insufficient proof. Instead of building upon decades of electoral records maintained by the Election Commission itself, he is now required to complete his SIR through alternative documentation. This creates an absurd situation where electoral lists painstakingly prepared and maintained by the Election Commission over many decades.
Widespread Errors in Names and Personal Details
Beyond the issue of mass exclusions, the 2002 SIR and earlier revisions were plagued by numerous errors in recording electors' names and personal details. In government identity documents, particularly those issued two decades ago, spelling mistakes and inconsistencies in names were extremely common. The root cause of this problem lies in the processes employed for preparing electoral rolls, especially the practice of outsourcing data entry work.
Multiple electors have complained that the names on documents they submitted during registration differed significantly from the names that appeared on their printed voter cards and electoral rolls. Such discrepancies arose from a systematic lack of quality control and verification mechanisms. During the preparation of electoral rolls in earlier decades, the work was primarily handled by private agencies or individual data entry operators, with a contract often without accountability. In such a scenario, the operators prioritized speed over accuracy, and there was minimal verification or accountability for errors introduced during data entry.
The consequence can be visible throughout the electoral rolls. In numerous instances, the same person's name is spelled differently on the same page of the voter list. For example, when an individual's name appears as a registered elector, it might be spelled one way, but when the same person's name appears as the guardian or parent of another elector on the same page, it is spelled differently. Such internal inconsistencies within a single document demonstrate the lack of systematic verification and quality assurance.
Beyond names, errors proliferate in other crucial details, including dates of birth, ages, and addresses in the electoral cards. These mistakes, which may have seemed minor administrative oversights at the time, now create serious obstacles for citizens trying to establish their credentials during the current SIR process. When the documentation from different sources contains inconsistent information, citizens are often placed in the impossible position of having to explain and rectify errors they did not create.
The Way Forward
Several corrective measures should be implemented. 
First, since the first election following the 2002 SIR was conducted using the 2003 electoral rolls, both the 2002 and 2003 lists should be considered for the matching and mapping process in the current revision, specifically in the areas where mismatches during the matching and mapping process are very high, like the case of Borobagan. This simple step would significantly reduce the documentation burden on many electors who were unjustly excluded in 2002 but reinstated in 2003 in the state.
Second, the presence of parents' or ancestors' names on electoral rolls before 1st July 1987 should be accepted as primary documentation for establishing electoral credentials for SIR. To facilitate this, all historical electoral rolls should be freely available in the public domain, allowing citizens to trace and document their family's electoral history. 
Third, a simplified mechanism must be established for correcting errors in names, dates of birth, ages, addresses, and other personal details that arose from the previous electoral rolls. A reasonable approach would be to accept a simple declaration form by the affected individuals, validated or authorized by local elected representatives such as gram panchayat members or ward councilors, who can attest to the person's identity and residence. 
---
*Assistant Professor, G. B. Pant Social Science Institute, University of Allahabad, Prayagraj. Views are personal

Comments

TRENDING

From Kerala to Bangladesh: Lynching highlights deep social faultlines

By A Representative   The recent incidents of mob lynching—one in Bangladesh involving a Hindu citizen and another in Kerala where a man was killed after being mistaken for a “Bangladeshi”—have sparked outrage and calls for accountability.  

What Sister Nivedita understood about India that we have forgotten

By Harasankar Adhikari   In the idea of a “Vikshit Bharat,” many real problems—hunger, poverty, ill health, unemployment, and joblessness—are increasingly overshadowed by the religious contest between Hindu and Muslim fundamentalisms. This contest is often sponsored and patronised by political parties across the spectrum, whether openly Hindutva-oriented, Islamist, partisan, or self-proclaimed secular.

When a city rebuilt forgets its builders: Migrant workers’ struggle for sanitation in Bhuj

Khasra Ground site By Aseem Mishra*  Access to safe drinking water and sanitation is not a privilege—it is a fundamental human right. This principle has been unequivocally recognised by the United Nations and repeatedly affirmed by the Supreme Court of India as intrinsic to the right to life and dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution. Yet, for thousands of migrant workers living in Bhuj, this right remains elusive, exposing a troubling disconnect between constitutional guarantees, policy declarations, and lived reality.

Aravalli at the crossroads: Environment, democracy, and the crisis of justice

By  Rajendra Singh*  The functioning of the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change has undergone a troubling shift. Once mandated to safeguard forests and ecosystems, the Ministry now appears increasingly aligned with industrial interests. Its recent affidavit before the Supreme Court makes this drift unmistakably clear. An institution ostensibly created to protect the environment now seems to have strayed from that very purpose.

'Festive cheer fades': India’s housing market hits 17‑quarter slump, sales drop 16% in Q4 2025

By A Representative   Housing sales across India’s nine major real estate markets fell to a 17‑quarter low in the October–December period of 2025, with overall absorption dropping 16% year‑on‑year to 98,019 units, according to NSE‑listed analytics firm PropEquity. This marks the weakest quarter since Q3 2021, despite the festive season that usually drives demand. On a sequential basis, sales slipped 2%, while new launches contracted by 4%.  

'Structural sabotage': Concern over sector-limited job guarantee in new employment law

By A Representative   The advocacy group Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) has raised concerns over the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (VB–G RAM G), which was approved during the recently concluded session of Parliament amid protests by opposition members. The legislation is intended to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

Safety, pay and job security drive Urban Company gig workers’ protest in Gurugram

By A Representative   Gig and platform service workers associated with Urban Company have stepped up their protest against what they describe as exploitative and unsafe working conditions, submitting a detailed Memorandum of Demands at the company’s Udyog Vihar office in Gurugram. The action is being seen as part of a wider and growing wave of dissatisfaction among gig workers across India, many of whom have resorted to demonstrations, app log-outs and strikes in recent months to press for fair pay, job security and basic labour protections.

India’s universities lag global standards, pushing students overseas: NITI Aayog study

By Rajiv Shah   A new Government of India study, Internationalisation of Higher Education in India: Prospects, Potential, and Policy Recommendations , prepared by NITI Aayog , regrets that India’s lag in this sector is the direct result of “several systemic challenges such as inadequate infrastructure to provide quality education and deliver world-class research, weak industry–academia collaboration, and outdated curricula.”

The rise of the civilizational state: Prof. Pratap Bhanu Mehta warns of new authoritarianism

By A Representative   Noted political theorist and public intellectual Professor Pratap Bhanu Mehta delivered a poignant reflection on the changing nature of the Indian state today, warning that the rise of a "civilizational state" poses a significant threat to the foundations of modern democracy and individual freedom. Delivering the Achyut Yagnik Memorial Lecture titled "The Idea of Civilization: Poison or Cure?" at the Ahmedabad Management Association, Mehta argued that India is currently witnessing a self-conscious political project that seeks to redefine the state not as a product of a modern constitution, but as an instrument of an ancient, authentic civilization.