Skip to main content

West Bengal political parties care little for ethics for overall progress, development

By Harasankar Adhikari 

Bengali society is usually stratified and multilayered because of social, economic, and cultural factors. Politically conscious involvement of Bengalis stratifies its society differently, although the sensitivity of Bengalis is high in politics. Especially, democratic decentralization of power has been coping at Bengal first. Initially, the long time left rule (party-based) was advantageous. Various social movements, reforms, and reconstructions were witnessed by Bengalis through their active participation. 
But at present, it is lower-graded and self-centered. Their political psyche has been restructured for political loss or profit, or it might be dole-centric. They are now limited in their support to a government or a political party as a rule, only for some flavors. It is evident that democratic government and political parties are synonymous. They do not bother whether it follows any bar of ethics, morality, or other good qualities for overall progress and development.
The Bengali political psyche is stratified into mainly three categories:
i) Political elites who are deserving and enjoying power, authority, and property. They are restricted within the personal realm.
ii) The political middle class used to criticize the different political parties, especially the ruling party, within their small group but did not agree to show off their opinion at large because their survival was the only priority. Their psyche is restricted by the blame game. They are happy with their own.
iii) Politically used class: those who are large and at the bottom of the pyramid and are used for the political functioning (meeting, agitation, proxy vote, booth jam, threatening, and fear environment) of a party. They might be defined as a distressing and fragmented category. They are the victims of political torture, murder, and other evil acts. They are, importantly, the pillars of democracy, while they are a politically suffering class.
Among these, the first and third classes are with the ruling and opposition parties. The political battle is confined to these two classes. Now, India's people's democracy is a competition among different political parties for power and authority. These political parties are treating the voters as beneficiaries of the people’s democracy. Now the political class and caste according to the people’s affiliations are the dangerous barriers of Bengalis’ society. It determines people’s interaction, social function, and so forth.
The first category (political elite) is basically the buttering class. They are with either the ruling party or opposition parties. When they are with the ruling party, they are blind to praising the acts of the ruling party. Even they used to suppress anti-people acts and policies. They are desperate to interpret it differently, as if the matter is decorated and fabricated to harass or decline the government's face value by anti-government people. They publicize whatever the government is doing is for the people. 
The political middle class is good for nothing for bringing any change of society. This self-centered class is more concerned about their own family members. They are opportunists and are searching for an opportunity to be availed of by any means. They silently support corruption for their own gain. The school job scams and other scams are the results of their personal greed, because if we conduct a study on this, it has surely been initiated by them.
It is evident that people’s democracy has empowered the proletariat to transform into bourgeois. As a consequence of this, socialism is a dream. But capitalism has been cemented. So, political pollution is our future. It would promote various political classes, which would be the enemies of every society in India.

Comments

TRENDING

Whither space for the marginalised in Kerala's privately-driven townships after landslides?

By Ipshita Basu, Sudheesh R.C.  In the early hours of July 30 2024, a landslide in the Wayanad district of Kerala state, India, killed 400 people. The Punjirimattom, Mundakkai, Vellarimala and Chooralmala villages in the Western Ghats mountain range turned into a dystopian rubble of uprooted trees and debris.

Election bells ringing in Nepal: Can ousted premier Oli return to power?

By Nava Thakuria*  Nepal is preparing for a national election necessitated by the collapse of KP Sharma Oli’s government at the height of a Gen Z rebellion (youth uprising) in September 2025. The polls are scheduled for 5 March. The Himalayan nation last conducted a general election in 2022, with the next polls originally due in 2027.  However, following the dissolution of Nepal’s lower house of Parliament last year by President Ram Chandra Poudel, the electoral process began under the patronage of an interim government installed on 12 September under the leadership of retired Supreme Court judge Sushila Karki. The Hindu-majority nation of over 29 million people will witness more than 3,400 electoral candidates, including 390 women, representing 68 political parties as well as independents, vying for 165 seats in the 275-member House of Representatives.

Jayanthi Natarajan "never stood by tribals' rights" in MNC Vedanta's move to mine Niyamigiri Hills in Odisha

By A Representative The Odisha Chapter of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD), which played a vital role in the struggle for the enactment of historic Forest Rights Act, 2006 has blamed former Union environment minister Jaynaynthi Natarjan for failing to play any vital role to defend the tribals' rights in the forest areas during her tenure under the former UPA government. Countering her recent statement that she rejected environmental clearance to Vendanta, the top UK-based NMC, despite tremendous pressure from her colleagues in Cabinet and huge criticism from industry, and the claim that her decision was “upheld by the Supreme Court”, the CSD said this is simply not true, and actually she "disrespected" FRA.

Gig workers hold online strike on republic day; nationwide protests planned on February 3

By A Representative   Gig and platform service workers across the country observed a nationwide online strike on Republic Day, responding to a call given by the Gig & Platform Service Workers Union (GIPSWU) to protest what it described as exploitation, insecurity and denial of basic worker rights in the platform economy. The union said women gig workers led the January 26 action by switching off their work apps as a mark of protest.

'Condonation of war crimes against women and children’: IPSN on Trump’s Gaza Board

By A Representative   The India-Palestine Solidarity Network (IPSN) has strongly condemned the announcement of a proposed “Board of Peace” for Gaza and Palestine by former US President Donald J. Trump, calling it an initiative that “condones war crimes against children and women” and “rubs salt in Palestinian wounds.”

With infant mortality rate of 5, better than US, guarantee to live is 'alive' in Kerala

By Nabil Abdul Majeed, Nitheesh Narayanan   In 1945, two years prior to India's independence, the current Chief Minister of Kerala, Pinarayi Vijayan, was born into a working-class family in northern Kerala. He was his mother’s fourteenth child; of the thirteen siblings born before him, only two survived. His mother was an agricultural labourer and his father a toddy tapper. They belonged to a downtrodden caste, deemed untouchable under the Indian caste system.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

MGNREGA: How caste and power hollowed out India’s largest welfare law

By Sudhir Katiyar, Mallica Patel*  The sudden dismantling of MGNREGA once again exposes the limits of progressive legislation in the absence of transformation of a casteist, semi-feudal rural society. Over two days in the winter session, the Modi government dismantled one of the most progressive legislations of the UPA regime—the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

MGNREGA’s limits and the case for a new rural employment framework

By Dr Jayant Kumar*  Rural employment programmes have played a pivotal role in shaping India’s socio-economic landscape . Beyond providing income security to vulnerable households, they have contributed to asset creation, village development, and social stability. However, persistent challenges—such as seasonal unemployment, income volatility, administrative inefficiencies, and corruption—have limited the transformative potential of earlier schemes.