After Independence, India chose the path of secularism and democracy. Yet, there have always been forces opposed to these foundational values—forces that have repeatedly asserted that India is a nation exclusively for Hindus. Among such organisations, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has now completed a hundred years since its inception. Over time, it has worked systematically to propagate its ideological narrative, and in recent decades its influence has reached unprecedented levels.
From its inception, the RSS ideology has been marked by hostility towards minorities, particularly through the demonisation of Muslims. In more recent decades, similar narratives have increasingly targeted Christians as well. The consequences are evident: a significant decline in religious freedom and a sharp rise in violence and discrimination against religious minorities. Over the past decade, with a Hindu nationalist party—the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—in power, the climate of hate has intensified. The presence of ideological allies in positions of authority has emboldened extremist elements, who often act with the confidence that they will not be held accountable and may even be rewarded for their actions.
The widespread network of propaganda and hate campaigns targeting religious minorities has shaped public perception in ways that are difficult to counter. As a result, the marginalisation of minorities has deepened. This is reflected not only in social realities but also in India’s declining position across global indices related to religious freedom, freedom of expression, hunger, and broader civil and political liberties.
Numerous reports—both domestic and international—have documented the deteriorating conditions faced by minorities in India. One such body is the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, an independent U.S. federal agency established under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. Its mandate is to monitor violations of religious freedom worldwide and make policy recommendations to the U.S. President, Secretary of State, and Congress. For nearly seven years, USCIRF has placed India in the category of “Countries of Particular Concern.” Its latest report is especially alarming, as it not only reiterates this classification but also recommends targeted sanctions against the RSS and its affiliated organisations.
According to the report, the RSS plays a central role in fostering deteriorating inter-community relations and in enabling the intimidation and harassment of religious minorities. It recommends sanctions including asset freezes and restrictions on entry into the United States for RSS leaders. The report also highlights the close relationship between the RSS and the ruling BJP, noting that this nexus has facilitated the enactment and implementation of discriminatory laws related to citizenship, religious conversion, and cow protection.
India’s Ministry of External Affairs has dismissed the report as biased. Meanwhile, the opposition Indian National Congress has cited the USCIRF findings to call for international scrutiny, arguing that the recommendations reflect serious concerns about religious freedom in the country.
U.S.-based advocacy group Hindus for Human Rights has also expressed strong agreement with the commission’s conclusions. The report clearly states that many policies of the BJP government have adversely affected minorities. While large-scale violence such as that witnessed during the 2002 Gujarat riots may not be recurring in the same form, incidents of lynching and targeted violence continue across different regions. Attacks on Christian prayer meetings have become increasingly common. Incidents during Christmas celebrations in 2025, allegedly involving activists of the Bajrang Dal, were widely condemned.
The report also raises concerns about policies such as the NRC and CAA, which it argues could disenfranchise Muslims. It refers to incidents such as the abandonment of Rohingya refugees at sea and the prolonged detention—without trial—of individuals like Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam, both of whom have spent years in custody. Such developments, it suggests, raise serious questions about the functioning of India’s justice system. Narratives around “cow protection,” “love jihad,” and other alleged conspiracies have become tools for targeting Muslim communities.
So-called “freedom of religion” laws, enacted in around eleven states, are presented as measures against forced conversions but, in practice, often restrict the freedom to choose one’s faith. Maharashtra is the latest to consider such legislation. While conversions to Islam or Christianity are scrutinised and penalised, campaigns encouraging conversion to Hinduism are openly promoted under the banner of “ghar wapsi” (homecoming), revealing a clear asymmetry.
Calls for strong action against the RSS are not unprecedented. India’s first Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, had banned the organisation in the aftermath of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination. A government statement at the time cited the organisation’s “objectionable and harmful activities,” noting that many had fallen victim to violence inspired by its ideology—most notably Mahatma Gandhi himself.
The RSS was banned again during the Emergency in India 1975–77 under Indira Gandhi, and later in the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition. Today, both in scale and intensity, its activities are seen by critics as far more extensive.
Many citizens in India sense a growing erosion of democratic values. In this context, the USCIRF report presents a stark and unambiguous assessment of the impact of the RSS and its affiliates. Through its extensive network, the organisation has expanded its presence globally. The question now is how the international community, particularly the United States, will respond—especially given the unpredictability often associated with the administration of Donald Trump.
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The author is a former IIT Bombay faculty member and chairperson of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism
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