Skip to main content

PMJVK fails to live up to its promises, depriving marginalised communities


By Birendra Ram Mishra, Ramprashan Singh, Santosh Kumar Pradhan, Sonu Khan, Gatha G Namboothiri*
Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram (PMJVK), anchored by the Ministry of Minority Affairs, is the revamped and restructured version of the Multi-sectoral Development Programme (MsDP). A Centrally Sponsored Infrastructure Support Scheme, PMJVK aims to provide the minority communities with socio-economic infrastructure facilities in the field of education, health and skill development. It is one of the several schemes covered under the Prime Minister’s New 15-Point Programme for the Welfare of Minorities, launched in 2005.
It was launched in 90 Minority Concentrated Districts. However, since the size of the districts were too big, the benefits seldom reached the grassroots. Thus, in 2012-14, the focus was shifted to Minority Concentration Blocks (MCB), Minority Concentration Towns (MCT) and Clusters of Minority Concentration Villages (Cluster) to ensure that the grassroots level communities are directly targeted.
In the financial year 2019-20, the Ministry of Minority Affairs was allocated almost 4700.00 crores. Out of this, 31.28% was allocated for PMJVK, the second-highest allocation by the Ministry after ‘Education empowerment’.
Budget Estimate, Revised Estimate and Actual expenditure incurred under the PMJVK: DEMANDS FOR GRANTS (2019-20) FOURTH REPORT: MINISTRY OF MINORITY AFFAIRS

During one of our visits to Sisi, a Muslim-dominated village where we work, in the Gumla district of Jharkhand, we observed that the village had not been declared as a Cluster under the Multi-sectoral Development Programme (MsDP) scheme. The same is true for other villages such as Kotam, Katri, Luto and Panso. Most of these villages do not have a Primary Health Center (‘PHC’). While there is a designated PHC in Kotam, it has ill-equipped infrastructure and a constant staff shortage. The primary school in Kotam is used by Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) as a camp. Declaring these villages as minority clusters is one way to ensure that they get the much-needed attention from the government.
Earlier, the requirement to be covered by the MsDP scheme was for a District or a Block to have at least 50% minority population. In the revamped scheme now titled Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram (PMJVK), the criterion was lowered to a substantial minority population of 25%. Further, clusters of contiguous villages with a minimum of 25% minority population but are not within the identified Minority Concentrated Blocks (‘MCB’) can now be declared as Clusters of Minority Concentration Villages (‘Clusters’). However, in reality, villages have not been declared either under MCB or as Clusters.
Even when declarations have happened under this scheme, they have been based on grossly inaccurate baseline surveys. Our experience in Gumla shows that a village that was shown to have 70-80% of the Christian population only had two or three Christian households. The minority population of another village was declared to be 112%, which is a mathematical impossibility.
In 2017, an intervention titled Rehnuma, anchored by National Foundation for India (‘NFI’) and Centre for Social Justice (‘CSJ’), released their study report spanning seven states. The report, which studied the implementation of the Prime Minister’s New 15-Point Programme for the Welfare of Minorities (launched in 2005), noted as follows about the MsDP;
“An important concern with respect to MsDP is the low levels of physical outcome progress indicating poor rate of work completion under the programme. Hence, as of now, even though around 80% of the proposed funds for MsDP under the 12th Five-Year Plan (‘FYP’) have been spent, there is poor progress on the ground. This suggests an urgent need for better implementation of the programme by the Ministry.”
The reality remains the same, as can be seen from the situation in Jharkhand. This problem is not unique to one or two states in the country. As of December 2019, the PMJVK scheme is yet to take off in 8 states as projects have not been approved in those states, while in a few other states, funds have been sanctioned, but not projects. There are also states like Uttar Pradesh, where the state government had only utilised 10% of the funds released under the Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram (PMJVK) scheme 2019-2020.
The Parliamentary Standing Committee Report on Social Justice and Empowerment titled ‘Implementation of Scheme of Multi-Sectoral Development Programme/ Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram’ of August 2018 noted several shortcomings of the scheme. The report noted that due to a lack of disaggregated data regarding the communities covered by the scheme, it was not possible to assess the impact of the scheme on the targeted communities. It noted with concern that the projects relating to drinking water supply and pucca housing had not been included in PMJVK. It also recommended the completion of education and health-related projects sanctioned/ undertaken. In addition, there were multiple issues such as the long gestation period of projects, delay in transfer of funds etc, which led to low utilisation of funds. The report also pointed out that; “the Committee found that despite having several monitoring mechanisms, the impact of MsDP is hardly visible in the Minority Concentration Areas”.

Weak processes and systems

There are six minority communities recognised and notified under Section 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 – Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists, Zoroastrians and Jains. While the scheme initially targeted Minority Concentrated Districts (MCDs) with at least a 50% minority population, it was soon understood that the districts’ size was too big for the benefits to reach the grassroots. Thus, in 2012-14, the focus was shifted to Minority Concentration Blocks (MCB), Minority Concentration Towns (MCT) and Clusters of Minority Concentration Villages. Thus now, the grassroots level communities are directly targeted. This sharpened focus of the scheme reduced the stringent criteria, which seems beneficial for the communities that did not have the expected results at the grassroots level.
Since its inception, the scheme been plagued by inefficient processes and systems, leading to substantial implementational hurdles. This scheme is monitored and regulated by various committees formed at various administrative levels such as the State Level Committee, District Level Committee, Block Level Committees, etc. However, it has been observed that the members in the Committees formed do not receive requisite training. This causes problems as they remain unclear on how to carry out their functions exactly. The unclarity further makes it difficult for these Committees to determine where/which infrastructure is to be developed. A second main factor working against the efficacy of PMJVK is the lack of awareness about the scheme at the ground level. In such situations of state failure, civil society organisations and non-governmental organisations are left to fulfil the state’s obligations. They have to step forward now and exert pressure on the authorities to declare clusters and identify projects.
This dilution in criteria has also, however, raised a concern too. The Sachar committee report, which paved the way for many minority-targeted schemes, including MsDP, was instrumental in demonstrating that the Muslim community lagged behind most communities on socio-economic indices. While reducing the population percentage parameter has ensured that the geographical coverage is more for the scheme, one of the primary beneficiaries (Muslims) is once again left with lesser resources.

The authors are associated with the Jharkhand Unit of the Centre for Social Justiceand are actively involved in providing legal representation to marginalised communities in Gumla. They may be contacted at rehnuma.jharkhand@gmail.com. Views are personal. This article was initially published in Newsclick

Comments

TRENDING

The golden crop: How turmeric is transforming women's lives in tribal India

By Vikas Meshram*   When the lush green fields of turmeric sway in the tribal belt of southern Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat, it is not merely a spice crop — it is the golden glow of self-reliance. In villages where even basic spices once had to be bought from the market, the very soil today is yielding a prosperity that has transformed the lives of thousands of families. At the heart of this transformation is the initiative of Vaagdhara, which has linked turmeric with livelihoods, nutrition, and village self-governance — gram swaraj.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Authoritarian destruction of the public sphere in Ecuador: Trumpism in action?

By Pilar Troya Fernández  The situation in Ecuador under Daniel Noboa's government is one of authoritarianism advancing on several fronts simultaneously to consolidate neoliberalism and total submission to the US international agenda. These are not isolated measures, but rather a coordinated strategy that combines job insecurity, the dismantling of the welfare state, unrestricted access to mining, the continuation of oil exploitation without environmental considerations, the centralization of power through the financial suffocation of local governments, and the systematic criminalization of all forms of opposition and popular organization.

Echoes of Vietnam and Chile: The devastating cost of the I-A Axis in Iran

​ By Ram Puniyani  ​The recent joint military actions by Israel and the United States against Iran have been devastating. Like all wars, this conflict is brutal to its core, leaving a trail of human suffering in its wake. The stated pretext for this aggression—the brutality of the Ayatollah Khamenei regime and its nuclear ambitions—clashes sharply with the reality of the diplomatic landscape. Iran had expressed a willingness to remain at the negotiating table, signaling a readiness to concede points emerging from dialogue. 

Buddhist shrines were 'massively destroyed' by Brahmanical rulers: Historian DN Jha

Nalanda mahavihara By Rajiv Shah  Prominent historian DN Jha, an expert in India's ancient and medieval past, in his new book , "Against the Grain: Notes on Identity, Intolerance and History", in a sharp critique of "Hindutva ideologues", who look at the ancient period of Indian history as "a golden age marked by social harmony, devoid of any religious violence", has said, "Demolition and desecration of rival religious establishments, and the appropriation of their idols, was not uncommon in India before the advent of Islam".

False claim? What Venezuela is witnessing is not surrender but a tactical retreat

By Manolo De Los Santos  The early morning hours of January 3, 2026, marked an inflection point in Venezuela and Latin America’s centuries-long struggle for self-determination and independence. Operation Absolute Resolve, ordered by the Trump administration, constituted the most brutal and direct military assault on a sovereign state in the region in recent memory. In a shocking operation that left hundreds dead, President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores were illegally kidnapped from Venezuelan soil and transported to the United States, where they now face fabricated charges in a New York federal detention facility. In the two months since this act of war, a torrent of speculation has emerged from so-called experts and pundits across the political spectrum. This has followed three main lines: One . The operation’s success indicated treason at the highest levels of the Bolivarian Revolution. Two . Acting President Delcy Rodríguez and the remaining leadership have abandone...

The selective memory of a violent city: Uttam Nagar and the invisible victims of Delhi

By Sunil Kumar*  Hundreds of murders take place in Delhi every year, yet only a few incidents become topics of nationwide discussion. The question is: why does this happen? Today, the incident in Uttam Nagar has become the centre of national debate. A 26-year-old man, Tarun Kumar, was killed following a dispute that reportedly began after a balloon hit a small child. In several colonies of Delhi, slogans such as “Jai Shri Ram” and “Vande Mataram” are being raised while demanding the death penalty for Tarun’s killers. As a result, nearly 50,000 residents of Hastsal JJ Colony are now living in what resembles a state of confinement. 

The price of silence: Why Modi won’t follow Shastri, appeal for sacrifice

By Arundhati Dhuru, Sandeep Pandey*  ​In 1965, as India grappled with war and a crippling food crisis, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri faced a United States that used wheat shipments under the PL-480 agreement as a lever to dictate Indian foreign policy. Shastri’s response remains legendary: he appealed to the nation to skip one meal a day. Millions of middle-class households complied, choosing temporary hunger over the sacrifice of national dignity. Today, India faces a modern equivalent in the energy sector, yet the leadership’s response stands in stark contrast to that era of self-reliance.

Love letters in a lifelong war: Babusha Kohli’s resistance in verse

By Ravi Ranjan*  “War does not determine who is right—only who is left.” Bertrand Russell’s words echo hauntingly in our times, and few contemporary Hindi poets embody this truth as profoundly as Babusha Kohli. Emerging from Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, Kohli has carved a unique space in literature by weaving together tenderness, protest, and philosophy across poetry, prose, and cinema. Her work is not merely artistic expression—it is resistance, refuge, and a call for peace.