Skip to main content

When Deoras wrote 'approvingly': Hedgewar saved him, others from Bhagat Singh's path

By Mohan Guruswamy* 

The term 'gotra' has Rigvedic origins. It originally was used to denote cattle belonging to the same cowshed, and hence to a single owner. In course of time it evolved to be equivalent to lineage. It broadly refers to people who are descendants in an unbroken male line from a common male ancestor or patriline.
Pāṇini defines gotra for grammatical purposes as 'apatyam pautraprabhrti gotram' which means "the word gotra denotes the progeny (of a sage) beginning with the son's son." Having a gotra is very essential to the being of Brahmins, who have to constantly assert it to give them legitimacy. Other caste groups too have gotras but to the Brahmin it is essential to assert social standing.
Given it's somewhat hazy antecedents as it eschewed the nationalist movement; and even collaborated with the colonial rulers as a tactic to expand and divide the notion of a common national identity for all Indians; and given its Brahminical mentality it becomes very important for it to have a gotra, or a common cowshed.
Soon after Narendra Modi became Prime Minister, construction began on building a colossal statue of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, India’s first Deputy Prime Minister, on an inland island called Sadhu Bet facing the Narmada Dam. Built at a cost of about Rs 3000 crore and to stand 182 meters (597 feet) tall, this Chinese made bronze statue is the tallest in the world. 
Because of the novelty and the scenic location there is no doubt that this statue would become a major place of political worship like the Rajghat and Indira Gandhi memorial in New Delhi. But beyond tourist commerce there is another reason driving for this project. It is to give the RSS a genealogy it doesn’t have.
Manufactured genealogy is recurring feature of our history. Pre-Islamic invaders from Central Asia like the Hepthalites (White Huns) and Ahir Gatae from the region extending from Bactria to present day Xinjiang conquered a good part of northern India and established kingdoms. The greatest of these invaders was Kanishka, whose realm stretched from Turfan in the Tarim Basin in Xinjiang to Pataliputra on the Gangetic Plain. Kanishka was of Turushka or Turkestani origin.
These new rulers, some of whom were Buddhists, were quickly absorbed into Hindu society and were made Agnikula Rajputs (family of the Fire God), others got more extravagant genealogies deriving from the sun and moon, hence Suryavanshi and Chandravanshi Rajputs. In this manner the integrity of the Brahminical varna system was preserved.
The Brahmin dominated RSS and Shiv Sena governments in Maharashtra have embarked on building another gigantic statue, this one of Chhatrapati Shivaji. This is not without some irony as the varna of the Marathas is even now a contested issue, some arguing for their being of the Kshatriya varna, and others for their being of Kunbi peasant origins. This issue was the subject of antagonism between the Brahmins and Marathas, dating back to the time of Shivaji.
When it was time for Shivaji’s coronation in 1674, the Brahmins of Poona baulked stating that the Bhonsles were not Kshatriyas. The legend has it that a Brahmin priest from Banaras, Gaga Bhatta, on receiving a generous payment performed the ceremony. The Chathrapati’s genealogy now showed that the Bhonsles were a branch of the highly respected Sisodias of Mewar, the Kshatriyas of the purest Rajput clan. Whatever might have been his caste antecedents, Shivaji undoubtedly was one of India’s greatest kings. His achievements didn’t need a manufactured genealogy.
The ultra nationalist RSS is still in search of a genealogy that will connect it to the nationalist movement that won India its freedom. The truth is that the contemporary writings and speeches of RSS leaders have a very different story to tell. These leaders showed little enthusiasm for the anti-British struggle. Though the founder of the RSS, Dr BR Hedgewar had an early association with the Congress and other nationalist movements like Bhagat Singh and Chandrashekhar Azad’s Hindustan Republican Association, he left it all behind to found the RSS.
He also stopped his followers from the nationalist path. In fact a later Sarsanghchalak, BR Deoras, wrote approvingly of how “Dr Hedgewar saved him and others from the path of Bhagat Singh and his comrades.” With the death of Dr Hedgewar in 1940, the RSS lost all interest in freedom. Its new leader MS Golwalkar drew inspiration from Adolf Hitler's ideology of race purity. Paradoxically Golwalkar also admired Jews for “maintaining their religion, culture and language.”
Golwalkar’s focus was on religion, racial purity and exclusion. Freedom was to be left to lesser mortals like Gandhiji and his Congress. He wanted the RSS to be involved only in “routine work.” In the words of Golwalkar:
"There is another reason for the need of always remaining involved in routine work. There is some unrest in the mind due to the situation developing in the country from time to time. There was such unrest in 1942. Before that there was the movement in 1930-31. At that time many other people had gone to Doctorji (Hedgewar). This 'delegation' requested Doctorji that this movement (Congress) will give independence and Sangh should not lag behind.
"At that time, when a gentleman told Doctorji that he was ready to go to jail, Doctorji said: 'Definitely go. But who will take care of your family then?’ That gentlemen told- 'he has sufficiently arranged resources not only to run the family expenses for two years but also to pay fines according to the requirements.' Then Doctorji said to him-'if you have fully arranged for the resources then come out to work for the Sangh for two years'."

Golwalkar’s point was crystal clear. Dharam came before Dharma.
The BJP leadership is very keen to project the RSS as a component of the freedom struggle. The BJP finds it embarrassing that the RSS -- to which the top leadership as well as the overwhelming majority of the cadre of the BJP belong -- was not a part of the freedom movement. The RSS lacks the courage to categorically state that it did not participate in the freedom struggle because its ideology prevented it from doing so.
RSS lacks courage to categorically state it didn't participate in freedom struggle because its ideology prevented it from doing so
There is the well-known concocted story of how the RSS tried to lionize Atal Behari Vajpayee's role in the 1942 movement. This ended up in a huge fiasco when it was discovered that Vajpayee actually made a confessional statement disassociating himself from the protest event at his hometown Bateshwar. In this confessional he wrote: 
“Ten or twelve persons were in the forest office. I was at a distance of 100 yards. I did not render any assistance in demolishing the government building. Thereafter, we went to our respective homes." 
Clearly this was leading nowhere.
From time to time the RSS has tried to make VD Savarkar a nationalist totem. But this project has been somewhat stillborn given Savarkar's abject entreaties to his British gaolers from time to time pledging fealty to the laat saheb. Hence the RSS is trying to attach themselves the legacy of Vallabhbhai Patel, to get a leg into the nationalist movement. They forget that it was Sardar Patel who had banned the RSS after learning that its workers were distributing sweets to celebrate Gandhiji's assassination.
In the run up to the 2014 elections Narendra Modi displayed his lack of knowledge of history or willingness to distort it by saying that the Congress Party wanted Patel to be the first PM. The fact is that Jawaharlal Nehru became the President of the Congress in 1946, after Maulana Azad was dissuaded from offering himself on the basis of the system of rotation that the Congress informally followed.
 Patel was never in the run. Given Nehru’s overwhelming popularity, even if Patel contested Nehru would have defeated him. Even the Sardar was magnanimous accepting the reality of Nehru being the overwhelming favorite of the Congress and the darling of the masses.
Both LK Advani and Narendra Modi have tried to create a fissure between Nehru and Patel. They seem to be confused between dissent and dissidence. Dissent is a genuine difference of opinion, and there were many between Nehru and Patel, as should be between two independent minded individuals. Dissidence is a result of competing ambitions.
On this Patel was clear. He wrote:
“It was, therefore, in the fitness of things that in the twilight preceding the dawn of independence he (Nehru) should have been our leading light, and that when India was faced with crises after crises, following the achievement of our freedom, he should have been the upholder of our faith and the leader of our legions.”
Patel tellingly added:
“Contrary to the impression created by some interested persons and eagerly accepted in credulous circles, we have worked together as lifelong friends and colleagues, adjusting ourselves each other’s advice as only those who have confidence in each other can.”
Now the RSS is trying to make Sardar Patel its own. In this modern version of the RSS's history it tries to give itself an indirect lineage deriving from Sardar Patel. The colossal statue is supposed to rewrite its history. But it will only end up as a parvenu wanting in patriotism when it mattered most.
But Narendra Modi won’t know all this. History is not his forte, or else he would not think that Alexander died on the west bank of the Ganges!
---
*Well known policy analyst. Source: Author's Facebook timeline

Comments

Does-not-matter said…
Factually incorrect to say that Nehru was more popular than Patel in 1946. Despite Gandhi's open support to Nehru, 12 of 15 state committees nominated Patel for party president.

TRENDING

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Where’s the urgency for the 2,000 MW Sharavati PSP in Western Ghats?

By Shankar Sharma*  A recent news article has raised credible concerns about the techno-economic clearance granted by the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) for a large Pumped Storage Project (PSP) located within a protected area in the dense Western Ghats of Karnataka. The article , titled "Where is the hurry for the 2,000 MW Sharavati PSP in Western Ghats?", questions the rationale behind this fast-tracked approval for such a massive project in an ecologically sensitive zone.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

By Rajiv Shah  The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual. 

Will Bangladesh go Egypt way, where military ruler is in power for a decade?

By Vijay Prashad*  The day after former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka, I was on the phone with a friend who had spent some time on the streets that day. He told me about the atmosphere in Dhaka, how people with little previous political experience had joined in the large protests alongside the students—who seemed to be leading the agitation. I asked him about the political infrastructure of the students and about their political orientation. He said that the protests seemed well-organized and that the students had escalated their demands from an end to certain quotas for government jobs to an end to the government of Sheikh Hasina. Even hours before she left the country, it did not seem that this would be the outcome.

Structural retrogression? Steady rise in share of self-employment in agriculture 2017-18 to 2023-24

By Ishwar Awasthi, Puneet Kumar Shrivastav*  The National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) launched the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) in April 2017 to provide timely labour force data. The 2023-24 edition, released on 23rd September 2024, is the 7th round of the series and the fastest survey conducted, with data collected between July 2023 and June 2024. Key labour market indicators analysed include the Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR), Worker Population Ratio (WPR), and Unemployment Rate (UR), which highlight trends crucial to understanding labour market sustainability and economic growth. 

Venugopal's book 'explores' genesis, evolution of Andhra Naxalism

By Harsh Thakor*  N. Venugopal has been one of the most vocal critics of the neo-fascist forces of Hindutva and Brahmanism, as well as the encroachment of globalization and liberalization over the last few decades. With sharp insight, Venugopal has produced comprehensive writings on social movements, drawing from his experience as a participant in student, literary, and broader social movements. 

Authorities' shrewd caveat? NREGA payment 'subject to funds availability': Barmer women protest

By Bharat Dogra*  India is among very few developing countries to have a rural employment guarantee scheme. Apart from providing employment during the lean farm work season, this scheme can make a big contribution to important needs like water and soil conservation. Workers can get employment within or very near to their village on the kind of work which improves the sustainable development prospects of their village.

'Failing to grasp' his immense pain, would GN Saibaba's death haunt judiciary?

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The death of Prof. G.N. Saibaba in Hyderabad should haunt our judiciary, which failed to grasp the immense pain he endured. A person with 90% disability, yet steadfast in his convictions, he was unjustly labeled as one of India’s most ‘wanted’ individuals by the state, a characterization upheld by the judiciary. In a democracy, diverse opinions should be respected, and as long as we uphold constitutional values and democratic dissent, these differences can strengthen us.

94.1% of households in mineral rich Keonjhar live below poverty line, 58.4% reside in mud houses

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*  Keonjhar district in Odisha, rich in mineral resources, plays a significant role in the state's revenue generation. The region boasts extensive reserves of iron ore, chromite, limestone, dolomite, nickel, and granite. According to District Mineral Foundation (DMF) reports, Keonjhar contains an estimated 2,555 million tonnes of iron ore. At the current extraction rate of 55 million tonnes annually, these reserves could last 60 years. However, if the extraction increases to 140 million tonnes per year, they could be depleted within just 23 years.