Skip to main content

Gujarat's sexually-abused children will have to wait for 55-200 years for getting justice!

By Rajiv Shah
In a revelation that should shake up India’s powers-that-be, “model” Gujarat, home state of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is the slowest among Indian states in completing trial of pending cases of child sexual abuse. The Kailash Satyarthi Children’s Foundation, founded by India’s 2014 Nobel prize recipient, Kailash Satyarthi, has in a new report said, Gujarat would take anywhere between 55 and 200 plus years to complete child sex abuse trials.
If calculated on the basis of the absolute numbers of pending cases as on 2016, the report says, it would take 55 years for Gujarat to complete trials, but if the calculation is based on case disposal rate (again as on 2016), the state would “require more than 200 years to complete trial of pending cases.” Only two small states are found to be “competing” Gujarat’s 200 years mark – Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur.
10 worst major states
The report has been published against the backdrop of the brutal rape and murder of an eight-year-old girl in Kathua, in Jammu & Kashmir(J&K) in January 2018, has “shaken” the conscience of the nation, leading to “public outcry” against “this harrowing case”, reminiscent of “the mass protests against the horrifying gangrape of a young girl in Delhi in December 2012, when justice delivery mechanisms against rape in India were amended to be more stringent and robust”, says the report.
The best performing state – calculated on the basis of absolute numbers of cases of child sexual abuse as also case disposal rate – is Punjab, which would require just two years for completing trials, followed by Andhra Pradesh, Haryana and Chhattisgarh requiring 3 to 4 years, Tamil Nadu 4 to 7 years, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand and J&K 4 to 8 years, and Himachal Pradesh 6 to 11 years.
The states which are found to be performing one of the worst, though far better than Gujarat, include the Left-ruled Kerala, which would take 23 to 74 years, West Bengal 19 to 67 years, Maharashtra 16 to 49 years, Bihar 13 to 40 years, Delhi 13 to 37 years, Karnataka 12 to 35 years, Odisha 12 to 33 years, Rajasthan 10 to 28 years, and Uttar Pradesh 10 to 27 years.
Titled “The Challenge Cannot Wait: Status of Pending Trials in Child Abuse Cases in India”, the report says that this state of affairs is there despite the fact the despite amendments brought about in the India Penal Code 1980, providing a wider definition of rape, seeking completion of investigation of child rape within two months of registration, and completion of trial, also within two months.
The report says, “Stories of child rape and sexual abuse such as that from Kathua continue to emerge every day, in the absence of a responsive justice delivery system”, adding, its state-wise timeline of pendency of cases of child sexual abuse is based on the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India response to a Lok Sabha unstarred question 2544 (August 1, 2017). Data are based on “the prosecution of cases of crimes of child sexual abuse under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012 between 2014 and 2016”.
Pointing out that the “state timeline for pendency of cases of child sexual abuse” suggests that “the completion of trial is too slow”, the report states, on an average, it would take “almost two decades to clear backlogs” in the country. However, there are extreme state-level variations. Thus, “it varies from two years in Punjab to more than 60 years in Arunachal Pradesh, Gujarat, Manipur, West Bengal and Kerala”, with continuous rise in “the number of pending cases over the previous year.”
Thus, it says, “The number of pending cases during 2015 has increased by 37% over 2014 (increased from 52,309 in 2014 to 71,552 in 2015). The same during 2016 has increased at 26% (increased from 71,552 in 2015 to 89,999 in 2016).” Noting that “convictions remain a distant dream”, the report says, “With regard to conviction rate, it is evident that conviction under POCSO has remained constant at 30% during 2014-16,” even though “it has registered an increase of 6% during 2015.”

Comments

Uma said…
Isn't there any good news coming out of Gujarat?
Pankti Jog said…
Oh no....This is so horrible

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.  

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram*  April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative   The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.