Skip to main content

Hindu antecedent of Muslim Jinnah: His grandfather was Lohana-Thakkar, said to be Raghuvanshi descent of Lord Ram

By RK Misra*
Nearly 70 years after his death, Muhammed Ali Jinnah’s portraits continue to adorn places like Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), Bombay High Court and Sabarmati Ashram in India. On the other hand, the Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry building’s foundation stone states that it was laid by Mahatma Gandhi in 1934.
Recently, BJP MP Satish Gautam sought to remove a Jinnah portrait from AMU. It was ironic because, instead of vilifying Jinnah, the Modi Government should have actually decorated the Qaid-e-Azam, posthumously, with a Bharat Ratna because, it was Jinnah who created a Hindu-majority Bharat from the rarefied, nebulous India, while pushing the Islamists to a corner of the subcontinent and that was why the Deoband School opposed Jinnah!
Had India remained undivided, its Muslim population would now have been around 600 million, vis-à-vis the Hindus’ 1,000 million. Would the Hindus have lived peacefully with this large ‘minority’? Or, had India been balkanized, as Winston Churchill and others had predicted? Such an India would have been the largest Muslim nation in the world!
This is what journalist-author Virendra Pandit’s 2017 book, "Return of the Infidel", argues. He claims that, for Jinnah, a non-practicing Muslim, the Pakistan project was more of getting even with his caste rival Gandhi, rather than any fulfillment of the Muslims’ aspirations! An understanding of the dynamics of Indian caste system helps us unravel the mystique of Partition, he says.
Interestingly, both their families hailed from neighbouring districts in the Saurashtra region in Gujarat: Gandhi (Porbandar) and Jinnah (from Moti Paneli village in Upleta taluka, Rajkot district).
The book provides interesting insights into the key figures’ persona and politics of the time that reflects in the present and projects into the future. He surmises that Gandhi virtually “manipulated” Jinnah into demanding Pakistan, and take the failed Partition of Bengal (1905) to its logical conclusion of the Partition of India (1947) through well-calibrated and subtle stratagem. And an ‘innocent’ Jinnah followed this Gandhian script!
Gandhi hailed from the Modh Vania/Bania caste whereas Jinnah, despite his grandfather’s conversion to Islam, inherited his Lohana-Thakkar caste’s obstinate habits. Both these rival castes were seen as great achievers.
Jinnah was the eldest among seven siblings. None of them settled in Pakistan after 1947. Like his dream project of Pakistan, he was himself ‘half quail, half partridge’, a personality split to the core. So much so that the lawyers of his only daughter Dina Wadia, 88, laid claim to the Jinnah House property in Mumbai in 2008 on the basis of Hindu inheritance laws! The Father of Pakistan himself had, in his will, divided his assets in accordance with the Hindu laws!
“For three generations, the Jinnah family struggled to find its Islamic identity after being ex-communicated from their Hindu caste, Lohana-Thakkars, of the Saurashtra region. This caste was believed to have had a Raghuvanshi descent, from the family tree of Lord Rama, and some thought they were Bhatia Rajputs. Like some other drifted Hindus who had found themselves on an Islamic island, many of the Thakkars, too, continued to use both their Islamic and Hindu names and maintain traditions in alternate generations to retain their roots in both the old and the new worlds.”
Jinnah’s grandfather was a faithful Hindu, Premjibhai Meghji Thakkar. In the early 19th century, Premji, who joined a fishing business, was forced to convert to Islam after his ex-communication by the Hindu orthodoxy. His family members opposed this conversion and tried to get him re-converted. The priests, however, refused to re-induct them into the Hindu-fold, forcing Premjibhai to stay a nominal Muslim. His son Poonjabhai was nicknamed Jhiniabhai due to his wiry physique. They all remained nominal Muslims throughout life. Jinnah derived his surname and the wiry physical frame from his father, Jhinia. Thinly-built Gujaratis continue to be nicknamed Jhinia even now.
Interestingly, Premjibhai had not converted to the mainstream Sunni or Shia beliefs. He had embraced, instead, the heretic Khoja-Ismailia sub-sect for two reasons: one, this helped him expand business as the rich followers of the Aga Khan, the head of the sub-cult, assisted him financially; and two, this taught a lesson to his Hindu detractors who had him ex-communicated for ‘violating’ Vaishnavite pure vegetarianism. Even after conversion, Premjibhai continued to worship the family deity Shrinathji, an incarnation of Lord Krishna, and Thakorji, besides the Tulsi tree. Outside, he would, however, go to the mosque. Premjibhai had joined the Khoja sub-sect, thanks to Adamji Khoja, his friend, philosopher and guide who had brought him into the fish trade and then into the Aga Khan fold.
Premjibhai’s three sons -- Gangji, Nathhu and Poonja (Jhinia) -- found it difficult to marry in their caste because of this reason and had to marry in similarly converted families. They also moved out of their conservative village. Jhinia settled down in Karachi.
Jinnah’s father’s full name was Jhinia alias Poonjabhai Premjibhai Thakkar. True to the traditions in freshly converted families who wanted to hide their religion, Jhinia had named his eldest boy ‘Mamad’ instead of Muhammed. Jinnah’s full name was Mamadbhai Jhiniabhai Thakkar, or M. J. Thakkar. When Jinnah was studying at the Christian Missionary Society High School on Lawrence road, Karachi, his future rival M.K.Gandhi was also a student in a Christian school, Alfred High School, Rajkot.
When, in January 1893, Mamad went to England, he tried new names: he first sought to be known as “Mohammedali Jhiniabhai of Karachi”, then as “Muhammed Z. Thakkar”, by changing Jhinia into Zina, and, finally “Muhammed Ali Jinnah” or M.A. Jinnah.
---
*Senior Gujarat-based journalist. This article first appeared in https://wordsmithsandnewsplumbers.blogspot.in/

Comments

TRENDING

Dalit woman student’s death sparks allegations of institutional neglect in Himachal college

By A Representative   A Dalit rights organisation has alleged severe caste- and gender-based institutional violence leading to the death of a 19-year-old Dalit woman student at Government Degree College, Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh, and has demanded arrests, resignations, and an independent inquiry into the case.

Domestic vote-bank politics 'behind official solidarity' with Bangladeshi Hindus

By Sandeep Pandey, Faisal Khan  The Indian government has registered a protest with Bangladesh over the mob lynching of two Hindus—Deepu Chandra Das in Mymensingh and Amrit Mandal in Rajbari. In its communication, the government cited a report by the Association of Hindus, Buddhists and Christian Unity Council, which claims that more than 2,900 incidents of killings, arson, and land encroachments targeting minorities have taken place since the interim government assumed power in Bangladesh. 

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

NYT: RSS 'infiltrates' institutions, 'drives' religious divide under Modi's leadership

By Jag Jivan   A comprehensive New York Times investigation published on December 26, 2025, chronicles the rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) — characterized as a far-right Hindu nationalist organization — from a shadowy group founded in 1925 to the world's largest right-wing force, marking its centenary in 2025 with unprecedented influence and mainstream acceptance. Prime Minister Narendra Modi , who joined the RSS as a young boy and later became a full-time campaigner before being deputized to its political wing in the 1980s, delivered his strongest public tribute to the group in his August 2025 Independence Day address. Speaking from the Red Fort , he called the RSS a "giant river" with dozens of streams touching every aspect of Indian life, praising its "service, dedication, organization, and unmatched discipline." The report describes how the RSS has deeply infiltrated India's institutions — government, courts, police, media, and academia — ...

From protest to proof: Why civil society must rethink environmental resistance

By Shankar Sharma*  As concerned environmentalists and informed citizens, many of us share deep unease about the way environmental governance in our country is being managed—or mismanaged. Our complaints range across sectors and regions, and most of them are legitimate. Yet a hard question confronts us: are complaints, by themselves, effective? Experience suggests they are not.

2025 was not just a bad year—it was a moral failure, it normalised crisis

By Atanu Roy*  The clock has struck midnight. 2025 has passed, and 2026 has arrived. Firecrackers were already bursting in celebration. If this is merely a ritual, like Deepavali, there is little to comment on. Otherwise, I find 2025 to have been a dismal year, weighed down by relentless odds—perhaps the worst year I have personally witnessed.

Celebrating 125 yr old legacy of healthcare work of missionaries

Vilas Shende, director, Mure Memorial Hospital By Moin Qazi* Central India has been one of the most fertile belts for several unique experiments undertaken by missionaries in the field of education and healthcare. The result is a network of several well-known schools, colleges and hospitals that have woven themselves into the social landscape of the region. They have also become a byword for quality and affordable services delivered to all sections of the society. These institutions are characterised by committed and compassionate staff driven by the selfless pursuit of improving the well-being of society. This is the reason why the region has nursed and nurtured so many eminent people who occupy high positions in varied fields across the country as well as beyond. One of the fruits of this legacy is a more than century old iconic hospital that nestles in the heart of Nagpur city. Named as Mure Memorial Hospital after a British warrior who lost his life in a war while defending his cou...

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...