Skip to main content

In UP elections solidarity aversive Dalit middle class met its ultimate deadlock

By Chittibabu Padavala*
One of the worst hit in Uttar Pradesh elections is a loud rhetorical section that speaks in the name of all Dalits. And, it seems to be, happily, dumb-founded.
The very small Dalit middle class/ employee strata or even tiny elites, drawn almost exclusively from the relatively advanced and reservations-monopolising, Ambedkar-worshipping single castes in their respective regions (Mala, Pariah, Mahar etc.) from the very big Dalit populace (forming one-quarter of the Indian population) is curious in many ways.
Particularly, the second and third generation among them is even unique in its uniformity of conduct and public pronouncements.
This Dalit middle class's structural position is worth considering. This minuscule section takes away all the 16.5 plus 7.5% reservations in jobs and education in public sector. It has a self-interest in not letting the benefits reach beyond their own caste to include other Dalit castes, or at least, no particular interest in such a thing. Its position not dissimilar to five or so percent of upper castes (UC) grabbing 50% of all seats and jobs in the name of 'general' quota or 'open' competition.
However, unlike the upper castes who, with their all-round advantage produce more candidates in hoping for education and jobs than already disproportionate numbers effectively reserved for them, this Dalit strata eliminated competition not only from others (the very idea of reserving seats) but also minimized the possibility of it coming from their own majority Dalits (escapes almost everyone's attention), this section gets whatever little it does without much competition and almost always without competence where it is required. Negligible competition also results in the perverse fact of handing the public positions/jobs etc. to the ineligible.
Though a lot of antagonism, jealousy, backbiting and prejudices they encounter in the public places, institutions is squarely due to the uppercaste aversion to Untouchables, not all of it is only such. Nowhere is this strata's performance is as unsavory as in social movement realm.
This section believes in no solidarity, behaves like a gang of thugs in eliminating criticism and self-criticism and persistent in turning every discussion a fight, debate into one of ad hominem, with no sense any more between a friend and foe and all the shades in between, the cynicism and ungratefulness are the hallmarks of this welfare-dependent but actually welfare-monopolising Dalit section.
It is not exactly a 'class' but a combination of caste, networking, Ambedkar 'rituals', unifying symbols and even sensibilities and a strong sense of mutual help.
Additional and no less important features of this stratum is its lack of any property (but protected by income from the jobs or scholarships) and also any attachment with the hard labor, though still discriminated and subject to daily humiliations and exclusions, though mostly spared of the atrocities that happen to other Dalits elsewhere. However, this is also a section which is pampered by the upper caste establishment.
(This collaboration between the always UC-baiting and resentful Dalit Middle class advanced castes and happily entertaining UCs is a complex and curious story that requires a detailed post of its own. But one telling example can give the flavor of it. Almost always the left/liberal interview panels, with a mind-bending cynicism only leftist Brahminicals are capable of, select candidates for the English professor posts in central universities in Dalit quota such candidates who cannot speak or write in the language they are supposed to teach.)
This section has remarkably committed in two important ways that cannot be explained by their class position fully. Whenever there is an atrocity committed against their more vulnerable and less protected members, it springs to action with a professional revolutionary's seriousness and even selflessness. Another is its absolute and instinctual aversion to Hindu practices, beliefs and by extension, its current Hindu Nazist version.
Always alert to any slight, suspicious of any gesture of solidarity yet paranoic about ever perceived threat of the encroachments, this is the only section among Dalits that returns the typical Muslim antipathy towards Dalits with matching apathy directed back to them. This Dalit section is a hurdle to much delayed yet much-needed Dalit-Muslim cooperation. Rohith Vemula could fight against peresecution of Muslims partly because he is not from this section of Dalits in class or generation terms.
In Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, this solidarity-aversive, anti-educational and equally anti-Hindu Nazist Dalit middle class met its ultimate deadlock. Like UC leftists, the Dalit middle 'class' is against Modi's Hindu Nazists due to its principles (or ideology) rather than any material need for it. It is unlikely to surrender to Hindu Nazists in any big way anytime soon, but it is unlikely to adapt to the new reality that demands larger accommodating alliances.
---
*With Kuriakose Mathew and 2 others. Source: https://www.facebook.com/chittibabu.padavala/posts/10158184471105315

Comments

TRENDING

Telangana government urged to stop 'unconstitutional' relocation of Chenchu tribes

By A Representative   The Nallamalla forests are witnessing a renewed surge of indigenous resistance as the Chenchu adivasis , a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG), have formally launched the Chenchu Solidarity Forum (CSF) on the eve of World Earth Day to combat what they describe as unlawful and forced relocation from the Amrabad Tiger Reserve . 

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

'Fraudulent': Ex-civil servants urge President to halt Odisha tribal land dispossession

By A Representative   A collective of 81 retired civil servants from the Constitutional Conduct Group has written to the President of India expressing alarm over what they describe as the wrongful dispossession of tribal lands in Odisha’s Rayagada district. The letter, dated April 19, 2026, highlights violent clashes in Kantamal village where police personnel reportedly injured over 70 tribal residents attempting to protect their community rights. 

Dhandhuka violence: Gujarat minority group seeks judicial action, cites targeted arson

By A Representative   The Minority Coordination Committee (MCC) Gujarat has written to the Director General of Police seeking judicial action in connection with recent violence in Dhandhuka town of Ahmedabad district, alleging targeted attacks on properties belonging to members of the Muslim community following a fatal altercation between two bike riders on April 18.

Cracks in Gujarat model? Surat’s exodus reveals precarity behind prosperity claims

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*   The return of migrant workers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, particularly from Gujarat, was inevitable. Gujarat has long been showcased as the epitome of “infrastructure” and the business-friendly Modi model. Yet, when governments become business-friendly, they require the poor to serve them—while keeping them precarious, unable to stabilize, demand fair wages, or assert their rights. The agenda is clear: workers must remain grateful for whatever crumbs the Seth ji offers.  

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

The high price of unemployment: The human cost of the drug crisis in J&K

​By Raqif Makhdoomi*  ​ Jammu and Kashmir is no longer merely at risk of a drug epidemic ; it is losing the fight. The statistics are staggering, with approximately 13.5 lakh people—nearly 8% of the total population—caught in the grip of substance abuse . In the ranking of Indian Union Territories , Jammu and Kashmir now sits at a grim top. We have officially reached a point where we can no longer speak in hypotheticals about a future crisis. The vocabulary has shifted from "if" to "if not addressed immediately."

India 'violating international law obligations' over Israel ties: UN rapporteur

By A Representative   Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, has alleged that India is “violating its obligations under international law” through its continued association with Israel, including defence ties and alleged arms exports during the ongoing conflict in Gaza.

Chromatographies of the self: Gender, labour, and resistance in Deepti Kushwah's verse

By Ravi Ranjan*  Any sensitive reader of contemporary Hindi poetry will find it impossible to overlook the eight poems by Deepti Kushwah recently published in Samalochan . This suite—comprising works such as ‘Ekākelī ābha’ (A Solitary Radiance), ‘Praśna mem camaktā huā’ (Glowing in the Question), and ‘Ek ankahī tapis’ (An Unspoken Heat)—constructs a multidimensional collage where colour transcends mere visual experience.