Skip to main content

Impact of 2002 riots? Gujarat has long way to go to catch up with Maharashtra: CMIE

Income generated from a rupee invested into net fixed assets
By Rajiv Shah
The Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), India’s topnotch independent economic thinktank headquartered in Mumbai, has suggested that half-a-dozen biennial Vibrant Gujarat business summits sponsored by Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi to whitewash the impact of the 2002 communal riots have failed achieve their desired result. In a recent commentary, it has said, the Gujarat industrial investment was severely hit “following the 2002 riots”, and the result was, the “net capital formation was negative for three consecutive years following the riots.”
“In the last two years for which the Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) data is available (2009-10 and 2010-11), Gujarat made good progress on investments”, opines CMIE’s Mahesh Vyas, adding, “Its fall post the 2002 riots and its recent rise in investments as seen in the ASI data matches our observations from CMIE’s CapEx data.” However, Vyas regrets, “But, the last two years cannot undo the damage of the fall in investments post riots too soon. A ten-year perspective reveals that Gujarat has still a long way to go to catch up with the industrial leader Maharashtra.”
While pointing out that “Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat are the leading industrial states of India”, the CMIE expert, in his commentary titled “Matchless Maharashtra”, states, “Each of these is characteristically different. While Tamil Nadu is a labour-intensive industrial state, Gujarat industries are capital intensive. And, Maharashtra is the state that deploys both, labour and capital better than both the other two states.” The expert underlines, on the basis of his analysis, Gujarat is among the worst users of capital.”
Despite Gujarat’s capital intensive nature of industries, Vyas points out, they “are not the most efficiently run ones”. He says, “A rupee invested into net fixed assets generates an income (net value added) of 33 paise in Gujarat. A similar investment in Tamil Nadu yields 49 paise and in Maharashtra it yields 64 paise. Thus, the lead that Gujarat has in terms of the amount of investments made in the state is lost on the lack of sufficient efficiency in the utilisation of the assets created. In fact, on this count (efficiency in the use of capital), Gujarat fares very poorly as it ranks 28th of the 32 states and union territories covered in the ASI data.”
“According to the Annual Survey of Industries (ASI), Tamil Nadu employed 1.9 million in the organised factory sector in the state in 2010-11. This was the highest amongst all states. Maharashtra followed with an employment of 1.7 million in factories and Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh were a distant third with 1.3 million, each”, says Vyas, adding, “Tamil Nadu’s lead in terms of employment can be appreciated better when we see factory employment as a per cent of the size of the state.”
Thus, “factory employees account for 2.7 per cent of the population of the state, implying that roughly 12 per cent of the households could have a factory employed person in the state. This is much higher than other states. Factory employment, of course, being a part of organised employment is a preferred employment. And, Tamil Nadu clearly leads in this respect.”
But, according to the expert, “Tamil Nadu factories are not the best of paymasters. Total emoluments per employee at Rs115 thousand in the southern state was lower than Gujarat’s Rs.143 thousand and, it was much lower than Maharashtra’s Rs 198 thousand. The disparity is much bigger in terms of wages per worker (workers constitute about 75 per cent of total employees). Wages per worker in Maharashtra were nearly twice as high as in Tamil Nadu, and Gujarat was closer to Tamil Nadu than Maharashtra.”
“Tamil Nadu’s relatively large factory employment at relatively low wages has spread employment, but these low wages have not helped the factories in Tamil Nadu to be more productive”, Vyas says, adding, “Net income per employee in the state at Rs 310 thousand was nearly half of Gujarat’s Rs 599 thousand and way below Maharashtra’s Rs 780 thousand. Profit per employee in the factories of Maharashtra at Rs 542 thousand is 2.5 times higher than the Rs 165 thousand profit per employee in Tamil Nadu and 27 per cent higher than in Gujarat.”
“Part of the reason for this low productivity of Tamil labour is the low investment of capital”, says the expert, adding, “Productivity of labour can be increased by the appropriate infusion of capital. Tamil factories invest Rs 0.8 million into fixed capital per employee, which is much lower than Maharashtra’s Rs 1.4 million and even lower than Gujarat’s Rs 2.1 million investment into fixed capital per person employed.”
“Like Tamil Nadu could not capitalise sufficiently on cheap labour, Gujarat is unable to capitalise on cheap capital. Both seem to have deployed their respectively cheap factor of production maximally, but both have failed to deploy it sufficiently efficiently”, says the expert.
However, the expert insists, “Maharashtra wins on both counts. The better utilisation of labour and capital by Maharashtra makes it the leading industrial state in the country by a huge margin. The net value added in factories in Maharashtra at Rs.1.5 trillion is way above any other state. Gujarat, which trails Maharashtra, has a net value add of only Rs.0.89 trillion. This is followed by Tamil Nadu, whose net value added in factories at Rs.0.71 trillion is less than half of the value added of Maharashtra.”
Coming to employment, the expert says, “Over the period 2000-01 through 2010-11, total employment in the factory sector in Gujarat grew at an impressive 5.6 per cent per annum. This is a tad higher than Tamil Nadu’s 5.5 per cent and much higher than Maharashtra’s 3.7 per cent per annum.” But, he points out, as the long term investment growth rate is unimpressive, which works out to less than 2 per cent per annum for the period 2001-02 through 2010-11 (since investments were negative in 2000-01, this could not be used as a base year for Gujarat)”, future looks better for Maharashtra.
“Maharashtra’s fixed capital investment per person employed rose faster (9 per cent per annum in the decade ended 2010-11) than that of Gujarat (8 per cent per annum) in the same period. And, its value added per person employed in factories has also risen faster - 12.6 per cent per annum against Gujarat’s 11.8 per cent per annum”, he says.
“Maharashtra has tremendous head-room for further industrial growth. Only 1.5 per cent of its population is employed in factories compared to 2.1 per cent in Gujarat and 2.7 per cent in Tamil Nadu. Maharashtra has only 71 factories per square kilometre, while Gujarat has 86 and Tamil Nadu has a much larger 202. So, while Gujarat and Tamil Nadu need to improve their efficiency in the use of capital and labour, Maharashtra needs to capitalise on its leadership and expand industrialization”, the expert says.

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.  

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram*  April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative   The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.