Skip to main content

Poor compensation for land acquisition, rampant mining in Narmada bed

By A Representative 
Farmers in the area around Suva village in Dahej PCPIR in South Gujarat are restive. Their land has been taken away and handed over to top industrial groups, and they have received poor compensation. Worse, the entire area is facing environmental destruction, one one hand, and loss of livelihood, on the other. 
The Gujarat government’s effort to acquire huge tracts of land, both public and private, to develop Petroleum, Chemical and Petrochemical Industrial Region (PCPIR) in Dahej in South Gujarat as one of the 13 special investment regions (SIRs) being developed in Gujarat has caused flutter among the rural folk, especially farmers, of Suva village, situated on the banks of Narmada river, off the Gulf of Khambhat. Spread over 453 sq km of brownfield area, and likely to cost state coffers around Rs 1,809 crore (2011 prices) for land compensation, people of this village feel that despite such amount being mentioned in official documents for payment, they were cheated with “low compensation” in the name of development. The village folk also allege that their means of livelihood has been adversely affected, as the common grazing land meant for their cattle has been taken away.
While official documents say that an estimated investment worth around Rs 1.4 lakh crore in the PCPIR boundary would modernize the whole region, and push it out of its longtime backwardness, providing jobs as also physical and social infrastructure, there is reason for the Suva villagers to feel otherwise. Replying to a Right to Information (RTI) query by Kaushikkumar Gohil, the Gujarat Industrial Development Corporation (GIDC) said on January 21, 2014 that it had acquired 294 hectares (ha) land for the top Gujarat group Adani Power, which includes 78 lakh hectares of common village land (gochar), used by cattle for grazing, while the rest was acquired from the farmers by paying compensation.
While the Adanis bought 214 lakh ha of land from the GIDC at the rate of Rs 55 lakh per hectare, and rest of the land (80 hectareas) at the rate of Rs 70.5 lakh per hectare, villagers say that they were paid just at the rate of Rs 1.2 lakh per hectare per ha as against the calculation by the CEPT University, Ahmedabad, which had recommended a payment of Rs 45 lakh per hectare. Even the Development Plan proposal for the PCPIR (2011), prepared by the top consulting firm Mott MacDonald, had recommended Rs 17.5 lakh as the average rate of compensation to the farmers for land acquisition in PCPIR. Apparently, both CEPT University proposal and that of the Mott Macdonald were set aside.
“Large number of people has gone into appeal against the amount paid to them as compensation”, says a village leader Rajeshbhai Gohil, adding, “Those who protested against the poor compensation were paid even less.” The Adanis are the not the only ones for whom land acquisition was carried out – another company is SRF, which is engaged in the manufacture of chemical-based industrial intermediates, for which 93 ha of land was acquired. Worse, he points out, currently “none of the two companies have begun operation, and their land remains unused.” These companies have, in fact, constructed wall around their piece of land so that villagers do not “encroach” into their territory, he adds. Worse, around 400 cattle has no other place to go to graze.
In his RTI query, Kaushikkumar Gohil had also wanted to know several other facts, including the type of “help” the Adanis and the SRF had agreed to render to the villagers for their development, including in the fields of education, health and employment, and whether the companies are obliged to implement their proposed projects in a due timeframe. While on the query regarding what type of development these companies do, the GIDC refused to give any information, saying that it does not fall under its purview, it admitted that they companies had not taken “any permission” from it to construct the wall around the piece of land which they had bought. Villagers say, as of today, the land is lying idle, and only wild weed, gando baval, is spreading its tentacles all around.
This, significantly, is only part of the woes of Suva villagers, who had come to Gujarat’s premier environmental organization Paryavaran Mitra’s office in Ahmedabad to provide complete details of how their livelihood rights have been encroached upon by government agencies in favour of industry. Another major concern for them is about rampant mining of sand from Narmada riverbed, the contract of which has been given away without any necessary permission from the authorities concerned. The revenue office (mamlatdar) of Vagra taluka, in whose territory Suva located is located, in reply to an RTI query on October 17, 2011 said it had “not provided any such permission” of sand mining. In a similar reply, the geology department’s office said it had “not allowed” anyone to mine sand from the riverbed.
Sand mining in Narmada has led the villagers complaining of adverse impact on the environment in the region. Local dailies have reported that the sources of sweet drinking water have dried up as a result of sand mining. With thousands of tonnes of sand is being mined, the whole riverbed is now filled with saline water, which rushes from the sea. The area on two sides of the river, too, has gone saline. Wells have gone saline. The bore wells have gone dry. Crops, particularly cotton, have been adversely affected. “Mining is being done on around 400 hectares of land was being carried out, yet the Suva village panchayat has no information about who gave the permission”, Rajeshbhai Solanki says.
Suva, say these villagers, is not the only village which has been adversely affected as a result of indiscriminate land acquisition. “The nearby villages of Dahej, Ambhata, Rahiyad and Galanda have been equally affected as a result of this”, they point out, adding, “In all, around 5,000 ha of land has been taken away. An estimated 2,500 farmers’ livelihood options have dried up.” As if this was not enough, in the areas where the GIDC is not carrying out land acquisition, the Gujarat government has applied the town planning law in the PCPIR area, which makes it mandatory for the farmers to part with 40 per cent of their land for infrastructure development, with poor rate of compensation, on one hand, and a separate piece of land allotted for farming away from the original farm, on the other.

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

'Fraudulent': Ex-civil servants urge President to halt Odisha tribal land dispossession

By A Representative   A collective of 81 retired civil servants from the Constitutional Conduct Group has written to the President of India expressing alarm over what they describe as the wrongful dispossession of tribal lands in Odisha’s Rayagada district. The letter, dated April 19, 2026, highlights violent clashes in Kantamal village where police personnel reportedly injured over 70 tribal residents attempting to protect their community rights. 

Dhandhuka violence: Gujarat minority group seeks judicial action, cites targeted arson

By A Representative   The Minority Coordination Committee (MCC) Gujarat has written to the Director General of Police seeking judicial action in connection with recent violence in Dhandhuka town of Ahmedabad district, alleging targeted attacks on properties belonging to members of the Muslim community following a fatal altercation between two bike riders on April 18.

Cracks in Gujarat model? Surat’s exodus reveals precarity behind prosperity claims

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*   The return of migrant workers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, particularly from Gujarat, was inevitable. Gujarat has long been showcased as the epitome of “infrastructure” and the business-friendly Modi model. Yet, when governments become business-friendly, they require the poor to serve them—while keeping them precarious, unable to stabilize, demand fair wages, or assert their rights. The agenda is clear: workers must remain grateful for whatever crumbs the Seth ji offers.  

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram*  April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative   The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.