Skip to main content

Rise of 'depoliticised' bureaucratic culture, worsening inequalities: A Patnaik legacy

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak* 

The classical Odia literature, art, architecture, stone carvings, and its historical and cultural heritage, along with distinct philosophical musings, stand as testaments to Odia renaissance of the state, society, and polity in Odisha. The internationalist outlook is embedded within its easy-going and laid-back attitude towards everyday life. Resilience and determination define the Odia renaissance, where the acceptance of the 'other' as its 'own' delineates its unique cultural heritage and legacies.
In spite of its caste-class based feudal-cliental political landscape, the progressive Odia ethos has survived all onslaughts of history, both past and present. However, contemporary Odisha appears to be a 'politics-free zone,' where technocratic interventions have buried the political processes aimed at deepening democracy and empowering its citizens for progressive transformation toward social, political, and economic equality in the state.
Under the leadership of Naveen Patnaik, the state of Odisha displays the growth of a bureaucratic culture of 'anti-politics machines,' reinforcing existing reactionary power structures, exacerbating all forms of inequalities, and undermining local political processes.
The political landscape also exhibits over-centralization of power, creating conditions of tyranny and undermining decentralized democracy in the state. The hyperactive bureaucracy under centralized leadership functions as a tool to bypass, marginalize, and weaken democratic institutions and structures of governance.
This is against the ideals of progressive political, social, and economic transformation of the state. The culture of depoliticization helps in maintaining the status quo, which is contrary to the values of the Odia renaissance.
The technocratic and instant solutions provided by the all-encompassing 5T (Transparency, Technology, Time, and Transformation) interventions, without political engagement, may seem beneficial temporarily. It provides an immediate boost, akin to instant coffee, but it damages the body polity in the long run.
The political management with the help of technical expertise and bureaucratic efficiency can never empower citizenship rights or contribute to the deepening of democracy. They can never replace the critical role of political participation in the deepening of democracy and social transformation.
Naveen Patnaik and his government had a great opportunity to transform the state within the last twenty-three years of governance. However, his government has utterly failed to deepen democracy, transform Odia society, and realise the promises of Odia renaissance by overly relying on bureaucrats.
He is centrally responsible for undermining local political processes and outsourcing empowerment to 'self-help groups (SHGs).' Political transformation appears elusive in rural areas, and hospitals, schools, colleges, and universities in the state seem to be in a debilitating condition.
Framing issues of people and solutions to their predicaments as purely apolitical bureaucratic initiatives undermines people and their voices in the democratic decision-making process. This approach will have profound political implications in the long run.
The inherent contradiction of bureaucratic governance is detrimental to authentic socio-economic progress, as it only benefits elites in society while marginalizing the masses. The caste-class dominance and urban bias in the development process in the state are the net outcomes of depoliticized bureaucratic governance in Odisha.
Progressive politics involves bringing people and their lived experiences to frame policies and programs, empowering them as shareholders of a democratic state. Naveen Patnaik has failed to transform the state due to his disconnected bureaucratic politics. The propaganda of progress and modernization can mask the underlying power dynamics that shape political transformation based on the ideals of Odia renaissance.
Technocratic solutions without political engagement provides immediate boost, akin to instant coffee, but damages body polity
Progressive politics not only articulates the needs and aspirations of the masses but also materializes them for an egalitarian transformation. Patnaik and his government have failed to articulate such an agenda in the last twenty-three years of his leadership and governance.
Despite all his promises, the agenda for social justice and equity looks gloomy in the state. By hobnobbing with Hindutva politics, Patnaik has helped BJP to strengthen its organisational base in Odisha and weaken the politics of social justice. The depoliticised political environment is a fertile ground for the RSS to grow. The RSS has entered into every nook and cranny of the state. Mr Patnaik’s political art of equidistance is a politics of opportunism disguised as neutrality that is suitable for the BJP in the centre.
The twenty-three years of depoliticization in Odisha under Patnaik have not only weakened its political processes but also undermined accountability and transparency in governance. The 5T initiative and its propaganda often create a space where decision-making is concentrated in the hands of experts and bureaucrats, limiting the influence of local communities and elected representatives.
The overreliance on bureaucrats has shifted decision-making power away from local institutions, hindering the development of accountable and transparent governance mechanisms in the state.
The death of political opposition and engagement, and the rise of a depoliticized bureaucratic culture are twin achievements of Patnaik’s leadership. His governance, led by a bureaucratic anti-politics machine, has created a politics-free zone in the state, which is dangerous for Odisha and its people in the long run.
While Patnaik may have found his henchman to carry forward his legacies in politics, Odisha and its people have lost two decades in realizing the dreams and values of the Odia renaissance. This is a cautionary tale from a fellow Odia comrade. 
Will Patnaik listen and revisit his approach to revive the radical and progressive promises of the Odia renaissance based on political participation and engagement? Will Patnaik change his political direction and initiate inclusive and accountable governance and politics for the deepening of democracy in Odisha?
The answers to these two questions will shape the narratives about his political legacies in the future.
---
*University of Glasgow, UK

Comments

TRENDING

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Where’s the urgency for the 2,000 MW Sharavati PSP in Western Ghats?

By Shankar Sharma*  A recent news article has raised credible concerns about the techno-economic clearance granted by the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) for a large Pumped Storage Project (PSP) located within a protected area in the dense Western Ghats of Karnataka. The article , titled "Where is the hurry for the 2,000 MW Sharavati PSP in Western Ghats?", questions the rationale behind this fast-tracked approval for such a massive project in an ecologically sensitive zone.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

By Rajiv Shah  The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual. 

Will Bangladesh go Egypt way, where military ruler is in power for a decade?

By Vijay Prashad*  The day after former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka, I was on the phone with a friend who had spent some time on the streets that day. He told me about the atmosphere in Dhaka, how people with little previous political experience had joined in the large protests alongside the students—who seemed to be leading the agitation. I asked him about the political infrastructure of the students and about their political orientation. He said that the protests seemed well-organized and that the students had escalated their demands from an end to certain quotas for government jobs to an end to the government of Sheikh Hasina. Even hours before she left the country, it did not seem that this would be the outcome.

Structural retrogression? Steady rise in share of self-employment in agriculture 2017-18 to 2023-24

By Ishwar Awasthi, Puneet Kumar Shrivastav*  The National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) launched the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) in April 2017 to provide timely labour force data. The 2023-24 edition, released on 23rd September 2024, is the 7th round of the series and the fastest survey conducted, with data collected between July 2023 and June 2024. Key labour market indicators analysed include the Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR), Worker Population Ratio (WPR), and Unemployment Rate (UR), which highlight trends crucial to understanding labour market sustainability and economic growth. 

Venugopal's book 'explores' genesis, evolution of Andhra Naxalism

By Harsh Thakor*  N. Venugopal has been one of the most vocal critics of the neo-fascist forces of Hindutva and Brahmanism, as well as the encroachment of globalization and liberalization over the last few decades. With sharp insight, Venugopal has produced comprehensive writings on social movements, drawing from his experience as a participant in student, literary, and broader social movements. 

Authorities' shrewd caveat? NREGA payment 'subject to funds availability': Barmer women protest

By Bharat Dogra*  India is among very few developing countries to have a rural employment guarantee scheme. Apart from providing employment during the lean farm work season, this scheme can make a big contribution to important needs like water and soil conservation. Workers can get employment within or very near to their village on the kind of work which improves the sustainable development prospects of their village.

'Failing to grasp' his immense pain, would GN Saibaba's death haunt judiciary?

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The death of Prof. G.N. Saibaba in Hyderabad should haunt our judiciary, which failed to grasp the immense pain he endured. A person with 90% disability, yet steadfast in his convictions, he was unjustly labeled as one of India’s most ‘wanted’ individuals by the state, a characterization upheld by the judiciary. In a democracy, diverse opinions should be respected, and as long as we uphold constitutional values and democratic dissent, these differences can strengthen us.

94.1% of households in mineral rich Keonjhar live below poverty line, 58.4% reside in mud houses

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*  Keonjhar district in Odisha, rich in mineral resources, plays a significant role in the state's revenue generation. The region boasts extensive reserves of iron ore, chromite, limestone, dolomite, nickel, and granite. According to District Mineral Foundation (DMF) reports, Keonjhar contains an estimated 2,555 million tonnes of iron ore. At the current extraction rate of 55 million tonnes annually, these reserves could last 60 years. However, if the extraction increases to 140 million tonnes per year, they could be depleted within just 23 years.