Skip to main content

Is Gujarat CM seeking to manipulate GSDP figures to inflate growth rate?

By Rajiv Shah
Latest information, available from authoritative sources, has suggested that Gujarat's growth rate at constant prices (arrived at reducing inflation) for 2012-13 – for which the figures have still not been officially released – is down to seven per cent. Well-informed official sources said, Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi, disturbed by the figure, has held as many as four meetings to “dress up” and finalize the gross state domestic product (GSDP) figure for the year 2012-13. “So far he has not been satisfied with the numbers generated by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics and wants better numbers from them”, said an insider, adding, this is “notwithstanding the economic gloom in general and the poor agricultural scenario brought about by the first serious monsoon failure of his regime.”
The single digit rate of growth for the second consecutive year, says this insider, has come as an obvious shocker for a CM who has all along been claiming that Gujarat is the only state which has constantly maintained a double digit rate of growth. In fact, the “Socio-Economic Review” for 2012-13, released recently, contains the following statement: “Gujarat is probably the only state of the country which has recorded double digit growth in the economy continuously for the last 10 years. Because of the exemplary growth, the state has witnessed since 2001-02, Gujarat is rightly called the growth engine of India.”
Already, facts are coming to light which suggest that manipulating facts and figures to suit the powers-that-be is an important factor in calculating GSDP figures. This has been suggested in a recent note prepared by, by CJ Jose, an IAS bureaucrat who retired in 2008, and meant for circulation among influential sections to understand the real story of Gujarat's growth. In his note, he suggests that much of the propaganda of Gujarat's double digit growth rate has been arrived by by choosing a wrong base year. The impact of the propaganda has been so great that, among others, a senior economist of the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad, Prof Ravindra Dholakia, praised this growth rate as something unique.
To quote Jose, “The growth of Gujarat’s GSDP (and its sectoral composition, into agricultural and non-agricultural, for the period between 1960-61 to 2009-10, at constant 1990-2000 prices), was made available, on request, to Dholakhia by the Directorate of economics and Statistics, Government of Gujarat, which became the basis of Chapter 1 of his book 'High Growth Trajectory and Structural Changes in Gujarat Agriculture'. Based on the numbers given to him, Dholakia concluded that during 2000-01 to 2009-10, Gujarat’s GSDP grew at 10.2 per cent, compared to 7.4 per cent in the decade immediately preceding 2000-01. Dolakia was perhaps the first academic from a well known institution to confirm Modi claims.”
Jose argues, “The two digit growth in the last comparison is simply the function of choosing 2000-01 as the base year. Due to widespread and severe drought in the state, fiscal 2000-01 had seen a huge decline in both agriculture and industry. Its effects persisted during much of the ensuing year (2001-02). Move the base year back by one, and the double digit ‘spectacular’ growth under Modi’s watch simply evaporates.”
Working out the latest CAGR of the Gujarat GSDP for the year 2011-12 compared to previous years, Jose seeks to juxtapose it side-by-side below the GSDP of Gujarat for some selected years drawn from Dolakia’s table (constant 1999-2000 prices) and from the Socio-Economic Review of 2012-13 (constant 2004-05 prices). 
Here, Jose suggests, the manipulation is more than evident. “With the base year of 1998-99, the CAGR for 2009-10 is 7.87 per cent. With the base year of 1998-99 the CAGR for 2011-12 is 8.09 per cent. But if the comparison is based on 2000-01, the CAGR goes to 10.20 per cent”, Jose points out, adding, all the three numbers will undergo downward change if the GSDP figures are “moderated” and “neutralized” in case one leaves aside the value of agricultural output, which itself, claims Jose, is “highly inflated” for two years, 2010-2011 and 2011-12.”
Jose underlines, “If there has been anything ‘spectacular’ and ‘amazing’ about Gujarat in the last 10 years, it is the fact that nature has been exceptionally kind to the state with plentiful and well-spaced rainfall during the period, supporting diversification of agriculture into high value crops and ensuring steady growth of agriculture and animal husbandry, growth which obviously underpins overall economic growth. If you are blind to these factors, you simply invent adjectives to glorify someone who wants to assume, foolishly though, supernatural proportions and otherwise reputed professors of economics end up heading full time sycophancy schools.”
Coming to inter-state comparisons, Jose states, “If we compare the GSDP growth of various states in India during the last five years the first position goes to UP, followed by Bihar in the second place, Mizoram in the third place, and Arunachal in the fourth place. There is nothing much to distinguish between the growth rate of Gujarat in the fifth place and Haryana, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh which follow immediately behind Gujarat.” 
He adds, “If the GSDP growth of various states in the last two fiscal years is compared it will be seen that Gujarat has slipped to the seventh position behind Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Goa, in that order. Gujarat shares the seventh position with lowly Pondicherry.” 
 Now comes the “shocker", according to Jose. If one leaves aside high claims of Gujarat on the agricultural field (which he believes have been calculated on the basis inflated value of the output of agriculture and allied activities), “Gujarat’s GSDP for the year 2010-11 will come down to 7.56 per cent against the 10.5 per cent shown above... If the overall growth of the various states is compared for the last two financial years, with the moderated growth rate (7.56 per cent) of Gujarat for 2010-11, Gujarat’s position would be 20th with only Assam, Orissa, Uttarakhand and West Bengal showing a performance worse than Gujarat.”
He comments, “The difference in the growth rate of Assam and the Orissa would be only marginally lower than that of Gujarat. But for a consolation it can be said that Modi did beat Mamta after all, a second time. Or may be Mamta was smarter all along knowing that Nano simply would not sell and would spell doom for a number of ancillary units set up in anticipation of servicing an automobile giant, as it is now happening in Gujarat.”

Comments

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...

Would breaking idols, burning books annihilate caste? Recalling a 1972 Dalit protest

By Rajiv Shah  A few days ago, I received an email alert from a veteran human rights leader who has fought many battles in Gujarat for the Dalit cause — both through ground-level campaigns and courtroom struggles. The alert, sent in Gujarati by Valjibhai Patel, who heads the Council for Social Justice, stated: “In 1935, Babasaheb Ambedkar burnt the Manusmriti . In 1972, we broke the idol of Krishna , whom we regarded as the creator of the varna (caste) system.”

'Restructuring' Sahitya Akademi: Is the ‘Gujarat model’ reaching Delhi?

By Prakash N. Shah*  ​A fortnight and a few days have slipped past that grim event. It was as if the wedding preparations were complete and the groom’s face was about to be unveiled behind the ceremonial tinsel. At 3 PM on December 18, a press conference was poised to announce the Sahitya Akademi Awards . 

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.