Skip to main content

Urban MNREGA likely to propel migration from rural areas, 'overburden' city services

By Dr Radhika Pandey*
One of the biggest challenges facing India, since even before the pandemic, is the state of unemployment in the country. While the unemployment rate in the country has been gradually increasing since 2017, it came to the attention of the media and the public eye amidst the pandemic when countless migrants lost their jobs and were forced to walk back to their villages.
A McKinsey Report on Economic Agenda to Spur Growth and Jobs in 2020 stated that India needs to create at least 90 million non-farm jobs to absorb the new entrants and adapt to the structural transformations in the economy, that is, people moving from unproductive farm sectors to the productive non-farm sectors. A boost of 8.5% to the GDP of India will be required to achieve this goal, especially, in manufacturing, construction and labour intensive sectors.
The unemployment rate surged to 23.52% in April 2020 and 21.72% in May 2020. Since then, it has come down to 6.98% in October 2020. As the lockdown eased, the unemployment numbers also declined. It is interesting to note that the rural unemployment rate was lower than the urban unemployment rate in each of these months. This was primarily because the schemes introduced by the government were targeted to boost employment in the rural areas specifically.
According to the Consumer Pyramid Household Survey (CPHS), around 8.4 crore jobs were lost during the April-June 2020 quarter, out of which 72% were small traders and wage labourers, 19% were salaried employees and 18% businesses. During the following quarter, the small traders and wage labourers recovered more than they lost and businesses recovered by almost 97%. However, the salaried employees were the hardest hit as their recovery was a mere 12.3%.
Even an increase in entrepreneurs has not led to an increase in salaried jobs, thus implying that these new ventures are either small businesses or restricted to self-employment. Thus, it has not resulted in generating job opportunities and economic growth. Since this problem persisted even before the pandemic, it is necessary to analyze the reasons behind it and address this through policy impetus and formalization of jobs.
Moreover, a disappointing trend seen in the labour market is that not only is there a decline in the employment rate, but also in the labour force participation market. This is a cause for concern and if this continues to persist, it will have to be closely analyzed and the National Economic Policy will need to address it.

Government initiatives

The Government of India introduced new schemes to address unemployment in the country, keeping in mind the influx of migrant workers from rural to urban areas. The government enhanced the budgetary allocation to the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA) by Rs 40,000 crore to address this critical problem. 
Additionally, the PM Garib Kalyan Rozgar Yojana was announced an employment-cum-rural public works program. The scheme was introduced in 116 districts of 6 states in June 2020 with an initial allocation Rs. 50,000 crore for building durable rural infrastructure.
As part of the Atmanirbhar package, the government announced incentives to facilitate formalisation of jobs. Every registered establishment under the Employees Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO) that brings in new employees into its fold or employees who have lost jobs between March 1, 2020 and September 30, 2020 to re-join work, will be eligible to subsidy of 24% or 12% each of the employees' and employers contribution for each new candidate enrolled.
The new candidates who enrol between October 1, 2020 and till June 30, 2021 will get the benefits under the scheme for a period of two years. For organisations with up to 1,000 employees who earn up to Rs 15,000 per month and are registered under EPFO, the 12% contribution of the employees and 12% from the employer -- amounting to a total 24% will be borne entirely by the central government. For establishments employing more than 1,000 employees, employees EPF contribution of 12% will be provided by the government. 
Almost 15 lakh subscribers were added to the EPFO subscriber base in September 2020. Of the new 15,000 subscribers added to the EPFO subscriber base, 42.8% fell in the 18-25 years age group. This is a critical indicator of the labour market of India.
In addition to the above mentioned schemes, the government had also been considering the possibility of introducing a replica of MNREGA for the urban sector. However, the government has rightly decided to shelve the idea for now. There are many arguments against this. The urban local bodies (ULBs) will be primarily responsible for implementing MNREGA in urban areas.
Most ULBs are understaffed and lack skilled staff to meet infrastructure and service delivery needs of citizens. They are also financially constrained: their own revenue is an abysmally low 1 per cent of the GDP.
A disappointing trend is that not only is there a decline in employment rate, but also in  labour force participation market
MNREGA was envisaged to address the problem of rural unemployment and underemployment. It is primarily meant for labourers who are rendered unemployed due to the seasonal nature of agriculture. The nature of work is unskilled manual labour. The scheme is conceived as wage-intensive and less money is allocated towards material and administration.
The scope for manual unskilled work is limited in urban areas. The capital content of urban infrastructure tends to be high. For employing the same number of workers, the total expenditure would need to be much higher in, say, construction activities. The wage intensive nature of the scheme thus makes it largely unsuitable for building urban infrastructure.
An urban MNREGA could propel migration of workers from rural to urban areas. This could create challenges for the already crumbling infrastructure and services in urban areas. It would be a more sensible strategy to use EPFO to incentivize job creation, instead of replicating MNREGA for the urban sector.

Impact, challenges, way forward

With the salaried jobs witnessing negligible growth, it is becoming more critical than ever before to address the rapid informality in employment. In comparison to 2019-2020, informal employment increased while salaried jobs have faced a sharp decline. In spite of India’s fast growth, the proportion of salaried jobs crawled up at a very slow pace from 21.2 per cent in 2016-17 to 21.6 per cent in 2017-18 and to 21.9 per cent in 2018-19.
According to the Periodic Labour Force Survey, 2017-18 77.1% of employment in India is in non-regular jobs i.e. they are now either self-employed or casual labour. Among the salaried employees in the non-agriculture sector there is rampant informality. 71.1% of salaried employees had no written job contract, 54.2% were ineligible for paid leave and 49.6% were ineligible for any social security. Informality is here to stay during the pandemic.
Workers who lost their jobs will try to create or find more jobs, mostly in the non-formal sector. Even formal enterprises prefer to hire informal workforce since it leads to a reduction in labour costs. It is of critical importance to periodically analyze and identify measures to address the problem of unemployment which has been aggravated by the pandemic.
There is an imperative need for an updated labour force database of the economy to fully comprehend the actual scale of the problem. This will substantially increase the possibility of accurately identifying the pandemic’s effect on the informal sector of the economy -- enterprises and workers both. The Ministry of Labour and Employment is reportedly creating a database of the informal workforce in the country to provide them social security. However, the status of this project is currently unknown.
The National Employment Policy needs to have a more holistic approach to address the challenge of unemployment. It is necessary to look at the composition of employment to ensure more gainful employment in the formal sector. The policy needs to focus on tackling informal employment and low and declining female participation rate.
There is a need to identify policies that might promote dwarfism amongst enterprises in India. There is a need to resurrect the ‘missing middle’ to augment productivity. Finally the laws and regulations that impose undue compliance burden and prevent enterprises from growing in scale need to be identified and rationalised. This will go a long in promoting the ease of doing business in India.
---
*Fellow, National Institute of Public Finance amd Policy, New Delhi. The article is based on Dr Pandey's web policy talk organised by Impact and Policy Research Institute (IMPRI), New Delhi. Acknowledgements: Sajili Oberoi, Research intern, IMPRI, New Delhi, and Marketing and Communications Lead at BrainGain Global, New Delhi 

Comments

TRENDING

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Two more "aadhaar-linked" Jharkhand deaths: 17 die of starvation since Sept 2017

Kaleshwar's sons Santosh and Mantosh Counterview Desk A fact-finding team of the Right to Feed Campaign, pointing towards the death of two more persons due to starvation in Jharkhand, has said that this has happened because of the absence of aadhaar, leading to “persistent lack of food at home and unavailability of any means of earning.” It has disputed the state government claims that these deaths are due to reasons other than starvation, adding, the authorities have “done nothing” to reduce the alarming state of food insecurity in the state.

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...

What's behind Donald Trump's 'narco-state' accusation against Venezuela

By Manolo De Los Santos  The US government has revived its campaign to label Venezuela a "narco-state", accusing its top leadership of drug trafficking and slapping hefty bounties on their heads for capture. This campaign, which only momentarily took a backseat, is a strategic fabrication, not a factual assessment. This accusation, particularly amplified under the Trump Administration, is a calculated smokescreen to justify a long-standing agenda: the overthrow of the Venezuelan government and the seizure of its vast oil and mineral resources. A closer examination of the facts reveals a country that has actively fought drug trafficking on its own terms and a US government with a clear and consistent history of destabilizing independent countries in Latin America.

New RTI draft rules inspired by citizen-unfriendly, overtly bureaucratic approach

By Venkatesh Nayak* The Department of Personnel and Training , Government of India has invited comments on a new set of Draft Rules (available in English only) to implement The Right to Information Act, 2005 . The RTI Rules were last amended in 2012 after a long period of consultation with various stakeholders. The Government’s move to put the draft RTI Rules out for people’s comments and suggestions for change is a welcome continuation of the tradition of public consultation. Positive aspects of the Draft RTI Rules While 60-65% of the Draft RTI Rules repeat the content of the 2012 RTI Rules, some new aspects deserve appreciation as they clarify the manner of implementation of key provisions of the RTI Act. These are: Provisions for dealing with non-compliance of the orders and directives of the Central Information Commission (CIC) by public authorities- this was missing in the 2012 RTI Rules. Non-compliance is increasingly becoming a major problem- two of my non-compliance cases are...

N-power plant at Mithi Virdi: CRZ nod is arbitrary, without jurisdiction

By Krishnakant* A case-appeal has been filed against the order of the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) and others granting CRZ clearance for establishment of intake and outfall facility for proposed 6000 MWe Nuclear Power Plant at Mithi Virdi, District Bhavnagar, Gujarat by Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) vide order in F 11-23 /2014-IA- III dated March 3, 2015. The case-appeal in the National Green Tribunal at Western Bench at Pune is filed by Shaktisinh Gohil, Sarpanch of Jasapara; Hajabhai Dihora of Mithi Virdi; Jagrutiben Gohil of Jasapara; Krishnakant and Rohit Prajapati activist of the Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti. The National Green Tribunal (NGT) has issued a notice to the MoEF&CC, Gujarat Pollution Control Board, Gujarat Coastal Zone Management Authority, Atomic Energy Regulatory Board and Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) and case is kept for hearing on August 20, 2015. Appeal No. 23 of 2015 (WZ) is filed, a...

1857 War of Independence... when Hindu-Muslim separatism, hatred wasn't an issue

"The Sepoy Revolt at Meerut", Illustrated London News, 1857  By Shamsul Islam* Large sections of Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs unitedly challenged the greatest imperialist power, Britain, during India’s First War of Independence which began on May 10, 1857; the day being Sunday. This extraordinary unity, naturally, unnerved the firangees and made them realize that if their rule was to continue in India, it could happen only when Hindus and Muslims, the largest two religious communities were divided on communal lines.

Ground reality: Israel would a remain Jewish state, attempt to overthrow it will be futile

By NS Venkataraman*  Now that truce has been arrived at between Israel and Hamas for a period of four days and with release of a few hostages from both sides, there is hope that truce would be further extended and the intensity of war would become significantly less. This likely “truce period” gives an opportunity for the sworn supporters and bitter opponents of Hamas as well as Israel and the observers around the world to introspect on the happenings and whether this war could have been avoided. There is prolonged debate for the last several decades as to whom the present region that has been provided to Jews after the World War II belong. View of some people is that Jews have been occupants earlier and therefore, the region should belong to Jews only. However, Christians and those belonging to Islam have also lived in this regions for long period. While Christians make no claim, the dispute is between Jews and those who claim themselves to be Palestinians. In any case...

Fate of Yamuna floodplain still hangs in "balance" despite National Green Tribunal rap on Sri Sri event

By Ashok Shrimali* While the National Green Tribunal (NGT) on Thursday reportedly pulled up the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) for granting permission to hold spiritual guru Sri Sri Ravi Shankar's World Culture Festival on the banks of Yamuna, the chief petitioners against the high-profile event Yamuna Jiye Abhiyan has declared, the “fate of the floodplain still hangs in balance.”