Skip to main content

A clear case of discrimination? One third of Gujarat's convicts Dalits, highest in India

By Jag Jivan  
In a shocking revelation, just-released Government of India statistics suggest that 32.9 per cent of all convicts and 23.4 per cent of all undertrials in Gujarat’s prisons are Dalits. What makes the situation particularly precarious for the state, being projected as “model” for the whole country to follow, is that Dalits in Gujarat form just about 6.7 per cent (2011 Census) of the total population of the state – lower than any other major state of the country.
This would suggest that there are 4.9 times higher convicts and 3.5 times higher undertrials than the proportion of their population – a disproportion activists link with “discrimination” against vulnerable communities.
The data were released early this week by the National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, in a 256-page book, “Prison Statistics India 2013.” The statistics pertain to different aspects of prisons and prison inmates in Indian jails as of December-end 2013. In absolute numbers, there were 3808 convicts in Gujarat as of December 2013, out of which 1251 were scheduled castes (SCs) or Dalits, 624 scheduled tribes (STs), 1360 other backward classes, and 573 “others.” As for undertrials in Gujarat, out of a total of 7604, there were 1778 SCs, 1405 STs, 2718 OBCs and 1703 “others.”
While detailing these facts in the section on demographic profile of prisoners, the writeup in the book provides no explanation as to why there are so high rate of SC convicts and undertrials in proportion to Gujarat’s population, or for that matter other states. In fact, a comparison with other states suggests that the gap between the proportion of Dalit prisoners and Dalit population is the highest in Gujarat. Following Gujarat, Assam has 18.2 per cent SC convicts and 17.7 per cent undertrials while the state’s SC population is 7.2 per cent, suggesting much a lower disproportion gap.
The demographic details of prisoners further suggests that Muslims formed 23.3 per cent of all convicts and 23.6 per cent of undertrials in Gujarat – which is also higher compared to the proportion of the community’s population in the state, 9.1 per cent (2011 Census). The disproportion between the prisoners (both convicts and undertrials) and the population is quite high – 2.6 per cent – though less than four out of total of 20 major states, Odisha, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Uttarakhand. In Gujarat, there are 886 Muslim convicts out of a total of 3808, and 1796 Muslim undertrials out of a total of 7604.
A comparison with all-India average would suggest that, while Dalits and Muslims do form a higher proportion of convicts and undertrials vis-à-vis their population, the all-India gap is not as wide as Gujarat’s. The data show that while Muslims constitute around 13.4 per cent of India’s population, their share of jail population is around 19 per cent – 17.1 per cent of convicts and 21 per cent of undertrials. The situation with regard to SCs is not very different. As against their population strength of 16.2 per cent, the SCs constitute 22.5 per cent of convicts and 21.3 per cent of undertrials.
Gagan Sethi, a senior Gujarat-based activist, who heads Centre for Social Justice in Ahmedabad, believes the data go to suggest the system in which we live promotes “criminalization of the vulnerable sections” not just in Gujarat but in the country as a whole. “It discriminates against the backward sections. We activists brought this matter before the Planning Commission of India and other important forums in the past, but unfortunately there is so far little effort to see that this is because of intensive discrimination of Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and other vulnerable sections”, he said.

Comments

NN said…
In each pie chart the total should add to 100%. Please use different format of data presentation. Try bar graphs so that one can compare between gujarat and India readily.
Editor said…
Thanks NN. We have made necessary correction.

TRENDING

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra  When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

Policy changes in rural employment scheme and the politics of nomenclature

By N.S. Venkataraman*  The Government of India has introduced a revised rural employment programme by fine-tuning the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which has been in operation for nearly two decades. The MGNREGA scheme guarantees 100 days of employment annually to rural households and has primarily benefited populations in rural areas. The revised programme has been named VB-G RAM–G (Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission – Gramin). The government has stated that the revised scheme incorporates several structural changes, including an increase in guaranteed employment from 100 to 125 days, modifications in the financing pattern, provisions to strengthen unemployment allowances, and penalties for delays in wage payments. Given the extent of these changes, the government has argued that a new name is required to distinguish the revised programme from the existing MGNREGA framework. As has been witnessed in recent years, the introdu...

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative   The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

'Structural sabotage': Concern over sector-limited job guarantee in new employment law

By A Representative   The advocacy group Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) has raised concerns over the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (VB–G RAM G), which was approved during the recently concluded session of Parliament amid protests by opposition members. The legislation is intended to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative   Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.

From jobless to ‘job-loss’ growth: Experts critique gig economy and fintech risks

By A Representative   Leading economists and social activists gathered in the capital on Friday to launch the third edition of the State of Finance in India Report 2024-25 , issuing a stark warning that the rapid digitalization of the Indian economy is eroding welfare systems and entrenching "digital dystopia."