Skip to main content

Poverty, unemployment, lack of regulations promote surrogate mothers in Gujarat

By Jag Jivan  
A recent study, carried out by the Centre for Social Research (CSR), Delhi, has said that majority of mothers who go in for becoming surrogate mothers are driven by two major reasons – poverty and unemployment. Carried out in three Gujarat districts, where Artificial Reproductive Technique (ATR) clinics flourish, Anand, Surat and Jamnagar, the study found that 86.7% of the respondents in Anand and 88.6% respondents in Surat said poverty drove them into surrogacy. As for Surat, to 91.4% of the respondents, unemployment was the main reason.
The word surrogate means substitute. Which means a surrogate mother is the substitute for the genetic-biological mother. In common language, a surrogate mother is the person who is hired to bear a child, which she hands over to her employer at birth. In the past, surrogacy arrangements were generally confined to kith and kin of close relatives, family, or friends, usually as an altruistic deed. But, with the introduction of financial arrangements, surrogacy has extended its network beyond family, community, state, and even across the country.
“The concept of surrogacy has turned a normal biological function of a woman’s body into a commercial contract”, the study said, adding, “Surrogate services are advertised. Surrogates are recruited, and operating agencies make huge profits. In Anand, majority of the surrogate mothers mentioned that they received Rs. 3-3.99 lakh for being a surrogate mother, in Surat they received between Rs 2.1-2.99 lakh, and in Jamnagar they received up to Rs 2 lakh.”


Suggesting that India is emerging as a popular destination for surrogacy, the study said, “Cheap medical facilities, advanced reproductive technological know-how, coupled with poor socio-economic conditions, and a lack of regulatory laws in India combined to make India an attractive option.” It estimates that surrogacy is a flourishing $450 million business. “There are over 600 fertility clinics in India. However, it appears that the state of Gujarat is particularly popular, especially among westerners”, the study added.
The strongest incentive for foreigners come to India, the study said, is relatively low cost as surrogacy fees, ranging from $2,500 to $7,000. “The total costs can be anything between $10,000 and $35,000. This is a lot less than what intended parents pay in the United States, where rates fluctuate between $59,000 and $80,000. On an average, most Indian surrogate mothers are paid in installments over nine months. If they are unable to conceive they are often not paid at all and sometimes they must forfeit a portion of their fee if they miscarry”.
Coming to their socio-economic status, the study found, 31.7% respondents in Anand, 54.3% in Surat and 60% in Jamnagar were educated up to primary level. In Anand around 51.7% of the surrogate mothers were illiterate, which is an important observation as it affects their ability to be involved in gainful employment either in the public or private sector. As many as 61.7% respondents in Anand and 91.4% in Surat were employed prior to agreeing to be surrogate mothers, but 38.3% in Anand were unemployed.
Many of the respondents, who were employed, worked as housemaids or domestic help in both Anand and Surat (36.7% and 40% respectively), the study said. In contrast, 20% of them in Jamnagar were construction workers, another 20% were working in hotels or restaurants and the rest of the 40% were working as nurses or have assisted in the clinic/hospital work as mid wives or casual workers. The majority (38%) of the respondents in Anand, Surat and Jamnagar earn within the Rs. 1,000-2,000 category per month. Around 6.67% in Anand and 22.86% in Surat fall under the category of Rs. 2001-3000.
The study further said, in Anand, 33.3% of the surrogate mothers stayed in kutcha houses, 41.7% stayed in semi-pucca houses and 23.3% of the respondents stayed in pucca houses. In Surat, 17.1% stayed in kutcha houses, 40% of them stayed in semi-pucca houses and 42.9% of them stayed in pucca houses. In Jamnagar, 40% of them stayed in kutcha houses, only 20% of the respondents stayed in pucca houses and the rest of the 40% stayed in semi-pucca houses, the study said.
Majority of the respondents in Anand (55%) and Jamnagar (60%) had kutcha latrine facility in their houses, the study pointed out. However, 26.67% of the respondents in Anand, 68.57% of the respondents in Surat and 40% of the respondents in Jamnagar had sanitary latrines. The majority of the surrogate mothers fetch drinking water from the tube well (76.7% in Anand, 80% in Surat and all the respondents in Jamnagar). Only 23.3% of the respondents in Anand and 20% of them in Surat have access to the supply water.
“It was noticed that all the surrogate mothers already had children of their own”, the study said, adding, “Majority of the respondents had two children. Most of the surrogate mothers (76%) were already pregnant at the time of the interview. Majority of the surrogate mothers were between the age of 26 and 35. Almost all the surrogate women belonged to Hindu religion. Only 5% in Anand and 8.6% in Surat were affiliated to Islam; and 8.3% in Anand and 5.7% in Surat belong to Christianity. Most of the surrogate mothers were married.”
“Very few surrogate mothers stated that they faced any resistance from family and friends; 86.67% in Anand, 85.7% in Surat and 80% of the respondents in Jamnagar said that they faced no resistance from their family and friends”, the study said, adding, “Majority of respondents in the three districts reported harmonious relationship with their husbands. The reason for the same may be joint decision of the surrogate mother and her husband to undertake surrogacy or husband’s upper hand in taking the decision.”
Majority (88%) of surrogate mothers stated that surrogacy agreement between all the involved parties takes place in the form of a written contract (83.3% in Anand, 97.1% in Surat and 80% in Jamnagar). The remaining respondents were found to be waiting for the contract to be signed, the study said, though regretting, “Majority of the surrogate mothers did not receive any copy of the contract. Only two surrogate mothers in Anand and Surat each had got a copy of the contract.”
In 98.3% of cases in Anand surrogate mothers stayed in shelter homes provided by the surrogacy clinics during their pregnancy period. But in Surat (82.9%) and Jamnagar (60%) said that they stayed in their respective houses, according to the study. “The rest of the 40% in Jamnagar said that they stayed in nearby villages during the pregnancy period. The payment was made to them either in installments or entire amount it was coaxed by their husbands who spend it on alcohol or use it for setting up business which in most cases does not take up.”

Comments

TRENDING

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra  When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

Policy changes in rural employment scheme and the politics of nomenclature

By N.S. Venkataraman*  The Government of India has introduced a revised rural employment programme by fine-tuning the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which has been in operation for nearly two decades. The MGNREGA scheme guarantees 100 days of employment annually to rural households and has primarily benefited populations in rural areas. The revised programme has been named VB-G RAM–G (Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission – Gramin). The government has stated that the revised scheme incorporates several structural changes, including an increase in guaranteed employment from 100 to 125 days, modifications in the financing pattern, provisions to strengthen unemployment allowances, and penalties for delays in wage payments. Given the extent of these changes, the government has argued that a new name is required to distinguish the revised programme from the existing MGNREGA framework. As has been witnessed in recent years, the introdu...

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative   The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

When a city rebuilt forgets its builders: Migrant workers’ struggle for sanitation in Bhuj

Khasra Ground site By Aseem Mishra*  Access to safe drinking water and sanitation is not a privilege—it is a fundamental human right. This principle has been unequivocally recognised by the United Nations and repeatedly affirmed by the Supreme Court of India as intrinsic to the right to life and dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution. Yet, for thousands of migrant workers living in Bhuj, this right remains elusive, exposing a troubling disconnect between constitutional guarantees, policy declarations, and lived reality.

'Structural sabotage': Concern over sector-limited job guarantee in new employment law

By A Representative   The advocacy group Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) has raised concerns over the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (VB–G RAM G), which was approved during the recently concluded session of Parliament amid protests by opposition members. The legislation is intended to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative   Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).