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​‘Dimagi Naxals’ and beyond: How political labeling replaced accountability

​By Sunil Kumar* 
​The Prime Minister’s August 15, 2026 address from the ramparts of the Red Fort likely did not surprise anyone familiar with his style—supporters and detractors alike. Those who follow him know that nearly every address is engineered as an election pitch. The moment he sees a podium, the atmosphere shifts into a campaign rally.
Confining his narrative largely to post-2014 achievements, the speech catered to those who treat 2014 as the dawn of a "New India." Conspicuously absent was any mention of critical developments in the Northeast or northern border regions—from the protracted crisis in Manipur to police firings on demonstrators demanding statehood in Ladakh. These pressing realities were simply skirted.
​Over the years, critics have pinned various monikers on the Prime Minister, but perhaps the most defining title belongs to his knack for label-making—or political "christening." From election rallies to the floor of Parliament, he has systematically deployed slurs and pejoratives: "50-crore girlfriend," "Didi o Didi," "Congress's widow," "identifying them by their clothes," "Urban Naxals," and "Andolanjeevi" (professional protesters). Opposition leaders, chief ministers, civil rights defenders, and grassroots activists have all been branded under these convenient umbrellas.
​Until now, the Red Fort remained somewhat insulated from such overt partisan branding. That line was crossed this Independence Day with a new coinage: "Dimagi Naxal" (Cerebral/Intellectual Naxal). While headlines celebrated the echoing of Vande Mataram, what truly echoed from the ramparts was a state-sanctioned branding exercise. In no time, ruling-party spokespersons and televised debate panels will turn "Dimagi Naxal" into a standard slur against anyone presenting a reasoned critique.
​Weaponizing Labels Against Dissent
​While the Prime Minister used the ramparts to warn against "intellectual Naxals" and called for their identification and isolation, Delhi’s Chief Minister simultaneously cautioned youth at Chhatrasal Stadium against "Urban Naxals." Neither provided a legal or objective definition of who these groups are. Instead, the labels function as blanket tools to delegitimize dissent.
​These tags implicitly target a wide spectrum:
​- Unemployed youth and students organizing protests from Jantar Mantar to Bihar, Jharkhand, Punjab, and Mumbai.
​- Graduating students at Hyderabad’s National Academy of Legal Studies and Research (NALSAR) who protested receiving degrees from dignitaries accused of turning a blind eye to police excesses.
​- The 18-year-old asserting civil rights on the street, or demonstrators carrying placards challenging executive economic priorities.
​These emerging movements cut across religious, caste, and gender divides that identity politics seeks to entrench. Whether wearing a burqa, a skullcap, a blue scarf, or school uniforms, citizens stood together on shared socioeconomic grievances. This organic solidarity challenges the polarization practiced by the ruling establishment.
​Economic Projections vs. Ground Realities
​The Prime Minister set a target for India to host 50 Fortune 500 companies within the next decade. Yet, there was silence on the rights of the working class powering this industrial engine. Framing domestic labor strikes and industrial unrest as modern "internal warfare" targeting refineries, banks, and data infrastructure mischaracterizes workers' legitimate demands for living wages as anti-national subversion. Striving for corporate capital expansion while expecting workers to endure generational stagnation undercuts basic social justice.
​While government data presents a buoyant picture of development over the past 12 years, ground realities tell a different story:
​- Piped Water & Energy Access: Claims of a fifteenfold increase in tap water connections contrast sharply with neighborhoods just 15 to 20 kilometers from central Delhi. In Nangloi’s Agar Nagar, tap water arrives only once every four days—running turbid for over an hour before yielding barely 400–500 liters of usable water per household. Rapid pipeline installation metrics mean little if dry or contaminated taps force communities to rely on expensive private tankers.
​- School Infrastructure vs. Digital Labs: Touting 10,000 Atal Tinkering Labs ignores severe structural deficits across state schools. On Independence Day itself, school children and villagers from Tatam in Madhya Pradesh’s Chhatarpur district marched 40 kilometers through the night to demand basic roads, electricity, and bridges from their local representative. In Chandla, students stopped a state minister's convoy to highlight the absence of power and road connectivity to their school. Across Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, and Maharashtra, widespread student protests have centered on acute teacher shortages, inadequate midday meals, lack of safe drinking water, and dilapidated hostels.
​- Free Coaching vs. Functional Classrooms: Announcing state-sponsored online exam coaching shifts focus away from broken public schooling. In Delhi's Bawana J.J. Colony, a three-story municipal school building has stood vacant without student admissions for nearly seven years. Furthermore, parliamentary admissions reveal that over 100,000 schools across India continue to operate with just a single teacher. Proliferating coaching initiatives cannot substitute for fully staffed, accountable neighborhood schools.
​- Social Security Assertions: Claiming that 100 crore citizens have been brought under a comprehensive social security net implies that 89% of the population is securely insulated against economic shocks—an assertion unsupported by real household vulnerabilities, unorganized labor instability, and out-of-pocket healthcare burdens.
​- Women's Representation: While calling on political parties to respect women by implementing the 33% legislative quota, the government has already seen the 106th Constitutional Amendment (Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam) passed and signed into law. The operational delay lies entirely within executive timelines. Furthermore, repeated episodes of harsh police handling of protesting women and medal-winning wrestlers within the national capital stand in stark contrast to official rhetoric.
​The Illusion of a Vibrant Democracy
​A vibrant constitutional democracy cannot be measured by official pronouncements while institutional spaces for debate are actively shuttered. Mere kilometers from Parliament, academic seminars on pluralism face disruption and cancellation, institutional venues for book discussions are revoked, and campus events across major universities are routinely blocked.
​The Constitution guarantees freedom of speech, expression, association, faith, and lifestyle. Yet public discourse is increasingly dominated by profiling—categorizing attire, criminalizing interfaith relationships, and labeling dissenters.
​Invoking historical icons—from Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and Jawaharlal Nehru to Sardar Patel, Bhagat Singh, Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Birsa Munda, and Jyotirao Phule—in a singular, flattened narrative erases the profound ideological distinctions they held on the nature of Indian democracy.
​When farmers protest, they are branded foreign agents; when workers strike, they are framed as internal security threats; when youth demand employment, they are labeled "Dimagi Naxals" or subversives. Reducing legitimate socio-economic grievances and diverse civic movements into convenient, criminalizing political labels undermines democratic accountability. Democracy thrives on responsive governance, not the politics of name-calling.
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*Contact: sk688751@gmail.com

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