On September 22, 2025, the country implemented GST reform, being promoted as the “New Generation GST Reform.” Prime Minister Modi presented this reform to the people through his address to the nation from the Red Fort ramparts on September 21, 2025. The BJP and BJP-ruled state governments are celebrating this as the “GST Savings Festival” fortnight (September 22–29). All BJP MPs and ministers have been instructed to reach out to shopkeepers and people in markets and on the streets. But if this GST reform is truly a “savings festival,” then does that mean that since July 1, 2017, the country has been experiencing a “loot festival”? The figures confirm that under GST, a significant portion of the people’s hard-earned money has been taken away by the government and corporate elites.
Between July 1, 2017 and August 2025, ₹128 lakh crore has been collected through GST. In FY 2018–19, collections were ₹11.78 lakh crore, which rose to ₹22.08 lakh crore in FY 2024–25—nearly doubling in six years. This increase has come primarily through indirect extraction from the poor.
GST Revenue Collection by Year (₹ crore)
2017–18 (9 months): 7,40,650
2018–19: 11,77,368
2019–20: 12,22,116
2020–21: 11,36,805
2021–22: 14,83,291
2022–23: 18,07,680
2023–24: 20,18,249
2024–25: 22,08,861
Sources:
https://taxguru.in/goods-and-service-tax/gross-net-gst-revenue-collections-month-march-2025.html
https://gstcouncil.gov.in/gst-revenue?page=1
According to Oxfam, 64.3% of GST collections come from the poorest 50% of Indians, while the richest 10% contribute only 3–4%. The middle 40% contribute around 33%. Meanwhile, 1% of Indians own 40.6% of the country’s wealth, the top 10% own 72%, and the poorest 50% own just 3%. This means those with the least assets are paying the most GST, while the wealthy contribute little. Unsurprisingly, corporate wealth has skyrocketed. In 2022, the income of India’s richest person rose by 46%, as confirmed by Oxfam.
The Finance Ministry informed Parliament that the 18% GST slab contributes about 75% of total GST revenue. This slab covers everyday goods like hair oil, toothpaste, ice cream, pasta, restaurant meals, and cinema tickets under ₹100. Opposition leaders therefore call it the “Gabbar Singh Tax.” But even this comparison is inaccurate, because Gabbar Singh looted the rich to give to the poor—whereas under GST, the poor are looted to benefit the rich. In truth, GST means: “Take from the poor, give to the rich”—a true “loot festival.”
The Reality After GST Implementation
When GST was introduced at midnight on July 1, 2017, the government claimed it would benefit the nation and the public. It promised to replace 15 central and state taxes with a single tax, charged only once, with lower slabs making goods cheaper.
In practice, the opposite occurred. Corporates recalculated prices using the maximum retail price (MRP) as the base for GST, or reduced product weights. The result was rampant inflation. For example:
- A two-wheeler costing ₹60,000 rose to ₹1,20,000.
- A refrigerator once ₹15,000 cost ₹25,000.
- Fortune oil selling at ₹80–90 per liter shot up to ₹170–180.
- A ₹2 packet of Parle-G biscuits during lockdown now costs ₹5.
Corporate profits soared like rockets while ordinary people struggled.
No Relief Despite Rate Cuts
Even after slab reductions, the prices of daily goods have not fallen. Yet some MPs claim that a ₹100 item now costs ₹40–45—a cruel joke on the people.
Ahead of revisions, companies raised prices, as in 2017. According to Navbharat Times (Sept 22, 2025), ghee prices rose by ₹30 per kg, toothpaste from ₹75 to ₹90, and Adani’s cement companies raised prices by ₹30–40 per bag. Old stocks are sold at old prices, while new stock is costlier. Toy dealer Rajiv Batra remarked that while some relief exists, the stress is greater—musical toys, for instance, now face 18% GST instead of 12%, making them more expensive.
As in 2017, confusion persists. Small traders remain troubled, selling at old rates while the government aggressively promotes claims of cheaper goods.
Between July 1, 2017 and July 13, 2022, GST slabs were amended 907 times. This shows GST was introduced without preparation and repeatedly altered to favor corporates.
Impact on Federalism and States’ Rights
With GST, states virtually lost their independent taxation powers. All decisions now rest with the GST Council, where the central government dominates. This has eroded the federal structure, with non-BJP states also alleging withholding of GST funds.
Ironically, Narendra Modi opposed GST as Gujarat Chief Minister, but as Prime Minister he introduced it at midnight. Modi often glorifies failures—as seen in demonetization or the sudden Covid lockdown. Similarly, under GST, public burdens and opposition criticism are packaged as “celebrations.”
The Modi government claims people saved ₹2 lakh crore due to slab cuts. But it does not explain how GST collections doubled from ₹11.78 lakh crore in 2018–19 to ₹22.08 lakh crore in 2024–25, or how corporate wealth rose at rocket speed, with one billionaire’s wealth growing by 46% in a year. Why have essential goods not become cheaper? Why not abolish GST entirely and tax corporates directly? These questions remain unanswered.
Thus, for the common people, this is not a “savings festival,” but a “loot festival.”
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