Skip to main content

Rural Gujarat's grim story: 95% household earners' income is less than Rs 10,000

By Rajiv Shah  
Painting a grim picture of Gujarat’s rural areas, the latest Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), released on Friday, says that a staggering 94.81 per cent of rural households reported their maximum income below Rs 10,000 per month. Significantly, this is against the all-India average of 91.71 per cent, and worse than all 21 major states with the sole exception of Telangana (95.32 per cent) and Andhra Pradesh (96.8 per cent).
The poor state of incomes of the highest earning member of Gujarat’s rural households comes amidst Government of India seeking to project Gujarat as a “model” state, where agricultural incomes have allegedly risen sharpest in the country. In fact, for nearly a decade, under Narendra Modi’s chief minisership, the state government kept talking about “double digit” rate of agricultural growth, despite expert view that the calculation was based on taking a poor monsoon year as the base year.
Pro-Modi economists such as Prof Bibek Deboy even tried to make out that the rural poverty in Gujarat has come down much faster than most other Indian states. He is reported to have said that the “real story” of development of Gujarat is in the rural areas. The SECC was conducted during 2011-12, with some states completing the data collection in 2013, due to a lengthy process of seeking objections on collected data.
What is shocking for Gujarat is, the percentage rural households reporting highest earning member with incomes between Rs 5,000 and Rs 10,000, is also one of the lowest in India – just 11.5 per cent households as against the all-India average of 17.18 per cent. Of the 21 major states, just one state, Telangana, reported that its households had still lower number of highest earning member with income between Rs 5,000 and Rs 10,000 (7.33 per cent).
However, ironically, if the SECC data are to be believed, there is a far fewer proportion of rural households in Gujarat with the highest earning member earning less than Rs 5,000 (45 per cent). This is against the all-India average of 74.49 per cent, with only two states, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana reporting lesser proportion of households with incomes less than Rs 5,000 – 29.26 per cent and 40.02 per cent, respectively. The all-India average is 74.49 per cent.
There is, however, little explanation in the SECC data, released by high-profile team consisting of Union finance minister Arun Jaitley, minister for rural development Birender Singh and chief economic adviser Arvind Subramanian, about the rural households which do not fall in the three categories of rural household incomes whose data have been released – household heads having income less than Rs 5,000, between Rs 5,000 and Rs 10,000, and more than Rs 10,000.
The SECC data show further that Gujarat has the least percentage of rural households living in rural areas (59.52 per cent) compared to other states with the sole exception of Tamil Nadu (57.53 per cent). Gujarat’s rural illiteracy is 31.01 per cent illiteracy (national average 35.73 per cent). Six states have a lesser proportion of illiterates – Kerala 11.38 per cent, Himachal Pradesh 22.05 per cent, Uttarakhand 25.41 per cent, Tamil Nadu 26.38 per cent, and Maharashtra 26.96 per cent.
The SECC data also show that for 41.09 per cent of Gujarat’s rural households cultivation is the main source of income, as against the all-India average of 30.1 per cent. Then, there are 43.28 Gujarat’s rural households which depend on manual labour as the main source of household income, as against the all-India average of 54.14 per cent.
Gujarat’s just 1.29 per cent rural households depend on domestic work as the main source of income (all India average 2.5 per cent); 2.49 per cent depend on own non-agricultural enterprises (all-India average 1.61 per cent); and 11.38 per cent depend on “other” rural activities (all-India average 14.01 per cent). While there is no explanation of what “other” could be, an analysis of the data from all the states suggests one of the major sources of income could be fisheries.

Comments

  1. There appear to be errors in one of the SECC tables on the site. The following is the problem table, from which, perhaps, the data for the above article has been drawn:

    http://www.secc.gov.in/staticReportData?getReportId=S_19

    The following seems to be correct:

    http://www.secc.gov.in/staticSummary

    --RUPE

    ReplyDelete
  2. Rajiv ShahJuly 08, 2015

    Yes, I also think so that there is something wrong with the income data. But the link that you have provided does not provide income factor at all.

    ReplyDelete

Post a Comment

NOTE: Hateful, abusive comments won't be published. -- Editor

TRENDING

Sardar made up his mind on Pakistan in Dec 1946 "before" Mountbatten's Partition Plan

By Hari Desai* One has to be extra cautious while dealing with the history of towering personalities of the Indian freedom struggle, especially that of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (October 31, 1875 - December 15, 1950). Present-day politicians prefer to "pronounce” on his life and quote him according to their convenience like a blind person describing an elephant.

To Sonam Wangchuk: 'Will undertake 70 hour solidarity fast in Gujarat'

By Martin Macwan *  Dear Colleague Sonam Wangchuk, I have never met you personally. I wrote a short article at the time of your arrest. Your work correctly introduces you. There is truth in your words. You have embarked on a fast, following the footsteps of Gandhiji. Your intention is to make people think. Your demand is reasonable; I believe that the resignation of a single education minister will not improve the state of education in India. However, the question you have raised is extremely important for the future generation of the marginalized. Education is the key to power, development, and progress, which empowers a citizen.

Remembering Rampur ka Tiraha: State violence and the birth of Uttarakhand’s struggle

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  In the turbulent political landscape of the early 1990s, India witnessed events that reshaped its social and regional equations. After the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992, Uttar Pradesh politics shifted dramatically, bringing the Samajwadi Party–Bahujan Samaj Party coalition to power in 1993 under Mulayam Singh Yadav. But the partnership was uneasy. Mulayam was never entirely comfortable playing the “Mandal card.” While Kanshi Ram and the BSP had consistently demanded the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations, Mulayam hesitated, wary of how the move might play out.