Skip to main content

Gujarat govt's largesse to mega investors: Just 2% of Rs 54,000 cr industrial subsidies went to small sector

A research paper, “Political Economy of Subsidies and Incentives to Industries in Gujarat: Some Issues”, by scholars Indira Hirway, Neha Shah and Rajeev Sharma, has calculated that the total subsidies given to industries and infrastructure projects during 1990–2011 was a whopping Rs 56,538 crore, of which the maximum share is of sales tax subsidies (Rs 54,303 crore), followed by Rs 1,677 crore of capital subsidies and Rs 370 crore of interest subsidy.” Of this, the paper points out, “Rs 1,150 crore or a mere 2.03 per cent subsidies have gone to the small scale industries/ micro, small and medium enterprises (SSI/MSME)."
"The total amount of subsidies disbursed during the past decade (2001-02 to 2010–11) is Rs 38,226 crore, of which the major share is of sales tax subsidy/ incentives (Rs 37,467 crore). The other major subsidies are Rs 371 crore of interest subsidies and Rs 224 crore of capital subsidies”, the paper, which forms part of a book containing dozen-odd well-researched articles on Gujarat growth story, points out.
Providing a comparison, the paper says, “The amounts of the subsidies is more than ten times of the total subsidies given by the state to agriculture and allied activities and to food and civil supply put together. In other words, the state spent ten times more to attract investments in industry and infrastructure than to help the poor in agriculture and allied activities and food subsidies — at a time when malnutrition, particularly of women and children, is a serious concern in the state.”
All this has been made possible, says the paper, because of gradual undermining of the social agenda while providing subsidies. The paper says, “In the earlier periods, new industrial units were entitled to incentives/ subsidies when they were small or/and located in backward areas. Gradually the larger units have also been included. Before 1990, ‘pioneering’ units with capital investment of Rs 5 crore and more in backward talukas were entitled to special subsidies and incentives. The size of units jumped up multifold thereafter.”
The paper adds, “Instead of only the SSI sector, the focus is now on prestigious, premier, and mega units with Rs 100 crore to Rs 1,000-2000 crore or more capital investments and project investments.” In fact, after 2009, “no limit has been laid out as the subsidies and incentives for mega units are to be determined on a case-to-case basis”, the paper says.
Giving the example of subsidies to the Tata Nano project, which was the first mega project under the new scheme. “The details of the subsidies/incentives given to this project are estimated to be Rs 38,000 crore. The other beneficiaries of mega projects, according to official announcements, are Ford Motors, Maruti Suzuki, and a textile company. The terms and conditions of the incentives will be the same for the incoming companies Ford and Peugeot”, the paper says.
The paper further points to how the conditionality of employment has been watered down substantially. “In the early years of the 1990s, it was mandatory for the beneficiary units to employ 100 permanent workers each, and to employ local workers who would constitute 80 per cent or more of the total workers employed in the unit, and who would constitute 50 per cent or more of the managerial and supervisory staff”, it says.
“The condition of employing 100 permanent workers turned into 100 regular workers and then just 100 workers”, the paper says, adding, “The condition of 1,000 workers for large projects was irrespective of the level of investment. And finally, the condition of local workers has been removed and in the case of mega projects no such condition is applicable.” Similarly, the location policy for new units has been gradually relaxed over the years.
Saying that all this is nothing but “the growth of crony capitalization”, the paper underlines, it “denied a level playing field to the large number of small enterprises, and also changed the political power substantially in favour of the corporate sector. The changes in the state policies towards subsidies and incentives to private investments in industry and infrastructure units, particularly in the past decade, have important implications for the rate and pattern of economic growth in Gujarat.”
It adds, “Instead of promoting small units, the focus is now on promoting increasingly larger units, mega units being the latest; instead of promoting subsidies/incentives to labour-intensive units, the state now invites state-of-the-art highly capital-intensive technology; and instead of worrying about balanced growth, the emphasis is now an becoming ‘the number one destination’ of corporate investments in the world.”

Comments

TRENDING

A conman, a demolition man: How 'prominent' scribes are defending Pritish Nandy

How to defend Pritish Nandy? That’s the big question some of his so-called fans seem to ponder, especially amidst sharp criticism of his alleged insensitivity during his journalistic career. One such incident involved the theft and publication of the birth certificate of Masaba Gupta, daughter of actor Neena Gupta, in the Illustrated Weekly of India, which Nandy was editing at the time. He reportedly did this to uncover the identity of Masaba’s father.

Whither Jeffrey Sachs-supported research project which 'created' Gujarat model of development for Modi?

Even as Donald Trump was swearing-in as US President, a friend forwarded to me a YouTube video in which veteran world renowned economist Prof Jeffrey Sachs participated and sought an answer as to why Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was "afraid to fly" despite being invited to Donald Trump's swearing in ceremony. This took my memory to 2003, when I -- as representative of the Times of India -- had a short tet-a-tat along with a couple of other reporters with Sachs in the chief minister's office in Gandhinagar.

No to free thought? How Gujarat's private universities are cowing down their students

"Don't protest"—that's the message private universities across Gujarat seem to be conveying to their students. A senior professor told me that students at the university where he teaches are required to sign an undertaking promising not to engage in protests. "They simply sign the undertaking and hand it over to the university authorities," he said.

Busy taking books to the needy, this rationalist exposes miracles in a superstition-infested Gujarat society

I knew his name as a campaigner against the sheer wastage of the large amounts of ghee brought by devotees from across India for a major religious ceremony conducted every year in Rupal village, near Gandhinagar, the Gujarat capital, on the ninth day of Navratri. I had seen him at several places during my visits to different NGO meetings as well as some media conferences.

'Potentially lethal, carcinogenic': Global NGO questions India refusing to ban white asbestos

Associated with the Fight Inequality Alliance, a global movement that began in 2016 to "counter the concentration of power and wealth among a small elite", claiming to have members  in the United Kingdom, South Africa, Kenya, Zambia, the Philippines, and Denmark, the advocacy group Confront Power appears all set to intensify its campaign against India as "the world’s largest asbestos importer". 

To be or not to be Sattvik: Different communities' differing notions of purity and fasting

This is a continuation of my last blog on Sattvik food. When talking about Sattvik, there is a tendency to overlook what it may mean to different sections of people around the world. First, let me redefine Sattvik: it means having a "serene, balanced, and harmonious mind or attitude." Derived from the Sanskrit word sattva, it variously means "pure, essence, nature, vital, energy, clean, conscious, strong, courage, true, honest, and wise." How do people achieve this so-called purity? Among Gujarati Hindus, especially those from the so-called upper castes who are vegetarians, one common way is fasting. On fasting days, such as agiyarash —the 11th day of the lunar cycle in the Vedic calendar—my close relatives fast but consume milk, fruit juices, mangoes, grapes, bananas, almonds, pistachios, and potato-based foods, including fried items. Another significant fasting period is adhik maas. During this time, many of my relatives "fast" by eating only a single me...

Would Gujarat Governor, govt 'open up' their premises for NGOs? Activists apprehensive

Soon after I uploaded my blog about the Gujarat Governor possibly softening his stance on NGOs—evidenced by allowing a fisherfolk association to address the media at a venue controlled by the Raj Bhawan about India’s alleged failure to repatriate fishermen from Pakistani prisons—one of the media conference organizers called me. He expressed concern that my blog might harm their efforts to secure permission to hold meetings on state premises.

Beyond the Sattvik plate: Prof Anil Gupta's take on food, ethics, and sustainability

I was pleasantly surprised to receive a rather lengthy comment (I don't want to call it a rejoinder) on my blog post about the Sattvik Food Festival, held near the Sola Temple in Ahmedabad late last year. It came from no less a person than Anil Gupta, Professor Emeritus at the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad (IIM-A), under whose guidance this annual event was held.

Sattvik Food Festival: Shouldn't one question notion of purity, cultural exclusion in food choices?

Recently, I visited the Sattvik Food Festival, an annual event in Ahmedabad organized by Anil Gupta, professor emeritus at the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad (IIM-A). I have known Prof. Gupta since 1993, when I sought an appointment to meet him a few months after joining The Times of India in Ahmedabad—one reason why I have always been interested in the activities he is involved in.